A  PARALLEL 


BETWEEN 


THE  GREAT  HEVOLITIOX  II  IK&JHI  OF 


A  N  1 ) 


OF  1S60--61, 


BY  A  GENTLEMAN  OF  MISSISSIPPI, 


MERIDIAN.  MISS. 

DAILY  CLARION  BOOK  AND  JOB  OFFICE. 

1864. 


A  PARALLEL 


Bi'M'WfcEft 


THE«iAIMW10rB«MI()F 


AXi» 


m  airhi  mmm  of  whl 


G1SSTLEMA 


All  •  BOOJ  L    '■■; 

1 


9-f 


A  PARALLEL  ^ 

BETWEEN  JAMES  II  AND  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 


-^-^-A*. 


Hi  pi  few  epo<  i.  •  recorded  in  history  have  bad  bo  important 
a  bearing  on  the  cause  of  civil  and  religioaa  liberty,  as  the 

great  revolution  of  1688  in  Kngland.  Scion  foot  by  a  sover- 
eign who  ascended  the  throne  with  a  deliberate  purpose  to 
•  -ulivci  l,  ihe  Fundamental  principles  on  which  the  government 
rested,   in  order  to  elevate  his  own  party  and  tenets  ;   and 

met  by  the  (irmTind  wise  resistance  of  those  who  cherished 
a  profound  devotion  to  their  Constitution  ;  resulting  in  the 
dethronement  and  disgrace  of  the  legitimate  sovereign,  and 
there  establishment  of  the  rights  sought  to  be  pro;  tvuted  by 
him;  it  stands  forth  as  a  signal  light  lor  instruction  and 
guidance  in  ail  cases  where  those  entrm  fed  with  the  executive 
control  of  a  Government  shall  attempt  to  pervert  the  forms 
of  the  Constitution  to  the  destruction  of  the  principles  on 
which  it  is  founded,  and  of  the  rights  which  it  was  ordained 
to  secure. 

The  secret  springs  of  human  depravity  are,  and  have  bcec, 
in  nil  ages  of  the  world,  the  same  ;  and,  if  we  trace  them  a  ; 
they  are  found  illustrated  in  the  efforts  of  men  of  wicked 
ambition  to  usurp  power  and  to  subvert  right,  we  shall  iind 
a  wonderful  coincidence  in  the  motives,  the  ways  and  the 
means,  the  pretenses  and  subterfuges,  by  which  each  men 
have  endeavored  both  to  accomplish  their  ends  and  to  con- 
ceal their  designs,  fn  many  of  the  most  nolable  of  such 
events,  the  past  will  be  found  the  original  of  whkh  the 
present  is  but  the  reproduction  in  all  the  es^nlia)  features 
pf  wickedness  and  dupliejfy. 


We  propose,  in  those  remarks,  to  trace  briefly  some  points 
of  similitude  between  the  'Revolution  new  in  progress  in  the 
Slates  composing  the  late  American  Union,  and  the  groat 
Revolution  of  1688,  in  their  leading  features;  and  to  reduce 
them  both  to  the  same  motives  of  depravity,  usurpation  and 
mtatuation,  in  their  respective  authors. 

THE    REVOLUTIONARY    DESIGNS. 

1.    Tho   first  and   leading  purpose  of  James   II  was,  to 

remove  all  political  disabilities  from  the  adherents  of  the 
Church  of  Rome— disabilities  created  by  numerous  laws 
excluding  such  persons  from  civil  aud  military  office,  which 
had  ripened  into  a  settled  and  fundamental  policy  of  t he- 
realm.  These  laws  and  customs,  whereby  the  Protestant 
Episcopal  Church  was  made* the  established  religion  of  the 
nation,  were  incorporated  into  the  Constitution,  and  recog 
nized  as  an  essential  part  of  the  government  ;  and  so  firmly 
established  was  thw'system,  that  it  was  found  impracticable 
to  obtain  any  material  change  in  these  laws,  through  Parlia- 
ment, the  only  power  recognized  as  competent  to  make  the 
change  in  a  legitimate  manner.  In  order  to  accomplish  his 
end,  he  determined  not  only  to  pervert  all  his' power  and 
prerogative,  but  to  set  at  nought  the  laws  and  customs  of  the 
realm,  and  to  usurp  supremo  power  at  discretion,  in  defi- 
ance of  the  Constitution. 

James  II  came  to  the  throne  a  firm  Roman  Catholic. — 
But,  under  the  constraint  of  widespread  suspicions  as  to  his 
iklelity  to  the  government  and  the  rights  of  the  Established 
Church,  he  made  the  most  solemn  pledge  that  he  would 
maintain  the  established  government,  in  Church  and  in  State, 
that  he  would  defend  the  Established  Church  in  all  her 
rights,  and  would  strictly  respect  all  the  rights  of  his  people 
in  connection  with  it.  Notwithstanding  this  pledge,  it  was 
not  long  after  his  accession,  before  he  showed  his  determina- 
tion to  place  in  office  men  of  his  own  church,  in  violation  of 
the  laws  excluding  them  from  such  offices,  and  to  pervert  the 
whole  machinery  of  government  to  usurpation  and  oppression, 
in  violation  of  the  most  cherished  principles  of  the  Consti- 
tution. He  resolved  that  Roman  Catholics  should  be  ele- 
vated to  the  highest  dignities  in  Church  and  in  State,  though 
his  own  pledge  and  the  Constitution  were-  trampled  under 
foot  in  the  acts;  and  that  this  should  be  the  paramount  object 
of  his  administration. 

Abraham   Lincoln    was   elected   President  of  the  United 


State-  as  the  representative  of  a  party  who*?  avowed  put  ■ 
pose  was  to  destroy  the  institution  of  African  slavery  m  t lie 
United  State?.  This  was  the  ma%BOl>jeot  of  that  party  and 
the  controlling  issue  in  the  election.  lie  accepted  the 
nomination  w  ith  a  pledge  that  he  #as  in  favor  of  the  ultimate 
extinguishment  of  slavery  in  the  United  States,  and  that  hi1 
would  use  all  the  power  of  the  government  to  that  end.  lie 
was  elected  lor  the  express  pappose  of  accomplishing  that 
end. 

Xo  sooner  was  lie  elected  than  the  Southern  State?  were 
aroused  to  their  danger.  Their  right  to  hold  slaves  was 
expressly  guarantied  in  the  Uowtitutimi-  had  been  con 
Btantly  recognized  by  all  the  departments  of  the  government, 
ii'n.ty  legislative  and  judicial,  in  nil  the  pa^t  history  of 
the  Union  -  and  it  was  well  known  that  the  right  was  incor- 
porated as  an  indispensable  condition  of  the  Union.  To  de 
s'titoy  or  materially  to  impair  that  right  w>i:-. therefore,  to  annul 
a  Lundanieatal  condition  of  the  Union.  It  was  to  subvert  the 
«  \in^t':!iition^//?-^?-<rV/,;o;Liiivol\ing  the  destruction  of  the  main 
business,  property  and  wealth,  as  well  as  the  social  sy.  tern 
of  the  Southern  States.  Those  State-,  saw  that  t lie  govern* 
up nt  was  about  to  undergo  a  revolution  to  result  in  the  do 
s.rucion  of  their  institutions  and  their  most  Boered  right? 
All  their  efforts;  made  in  Congress  from  the  1st  December, 
1800,  to  the  4th  March  following,  to  obtain  sccwirj  tm 
their  ii:  hts,  Stud  lo  prevent  the  dread  neees&Hy  ot  their 
wiihduiwal  IVom  the  Union,  were  met  with  insult  and  de- 
liaoce,  and  with  threats  that  the  pled^  of  t ho  party  had 
received  the  verdict  of  the  people  at  the  ballot-box,  and  that 
nothing  remained  but  to  execute  it. 

The  most  intense  excitement  moved  the  people  of  the 
entire  Southern  States,  as  to  what  they  should  do  to  save 
themselves  from  the  revolution  whieh  was  to  strike  down 
their  rights,  their  institutions  and  their  country.  The  earth 
quake  shook  the  whole  Union  from  centre  to  circumference. 
I'efore  the  induction  of  Mr.  Lincoln  into  office,  on  the  4th 
March,  1SG1,  seven  States  had  withdrawn  from  the  Union 
and  resumed  all  their  rights  as  separate,  soveieign  States. 
Other  States  only  waited  for  an  indication,  i>y  overt  art,  of 
the  policy  to  which  Mr.  Lincoln  was  pledged,  to  take  the 
same  step.  These  decisive  measures  brought  Mr.  Lincoln  to 
a  pause  in  his  course.  It  was  necessary  to  lull  the  troubled 
elements,  lest  the  raging  storm  should  overwhelm  him  and 
all  the  hopes  of  his  partv;  and  to  do   this  he  did  not  scruple. 


P72320 


to  resort  to  deception  and  falsehood.     Li'ke   Itia  prototype, 
James,  who  falsely  dfedttied  that  ho  would  defend   the  I 
btfelied  Church,  and  would   respect,  the  rights  of  his   pe< 
in  connection  with  it— he  declared  in   his  inaugural  aefth 
that  he  had  "no  purpose   directly  or  indirectly  to  interfile  wUh 
the  institution  of  slavery  in  ihe  States;"  that  he  hbclkv€d  he  had 
7W   Inicful   right   to  do  so"  and   that    he   ^hed    no    inclination 
to  do  so."     If    he    had   then  declared   that   it  toras    hi,    in 
tention  to   carry  oat  Ids   pledge,  and  abolish  slavci  y,  oitU- 
cr   directly    or  indirectly,   under   any   pretense  whatever, 
it  would  have    been  impossible   to    keep  a  majority  of  the 
States  in  the  Union.     It  was,  therefore  necessary  to  bend  to 
the  storm  which   swept  the  country  at  the  prospect  of  his 
acts  of  open  revolution  of  the  government  ;  and  thi ■:»  declar- 
ation was  intended    to   delude  the   people    of   the   States 
remaining  in  the  Union   into   security,  until  he  was  firmly 
in    possession  of  the    power   of  the    government;    and    the 
remaining   States  committed   to  the  support  of  his  admiirs- 
tratiou  bv   the  insidious   measures  into  which  they  were  to 
be  inveialed  ;  when   lie  might   avail  himself  of  (he  circum- 
stances as  a  pretext  for  carrying  out  the  policy  to  which  he. 
was  committed.     Like   the    noted  declaration  of  James,  it 
was  made  for   deception,  and  was  intended   to  be  broken  so 
soon  as  the  storm    then   raging,  which   even    threatened  to 
drive  him  from  power,  was  hushed. 

It  was  necessary  to  prepare  the  country,  by  a  slow  and 
insidious  process,  for  the  development  of  his  real  design, 
concealing  it  amid  the  confusion  and  excitement  which  were 
to  follow  his  inauguration,  by  reason  of  the  measures  of 
hostility  to  be  taken  against  the  seceded  Slates,  until  the 
limes  would  be  propitious  to  its  promulgation,  and  circum- 
stances, to  be  brought  about  by  his  own  policy,  would  afford 
him  a  pretext  for  its  justification.  No  sooner,  therefore,  was 
this  solemn  declaration  made,  than  he  set  about  a  course  of 
schemes,  marked  at  every  step  by  perfidy  and  lawlessness,  to 
create  a.  pretended  necessity  to  justify  the  fulfillment  of  his 
original  party  pledge.  These  are  worthy  of  a  brief  no- 
tice. 

.Resolved  to  reduce  the  seceded  States  to  submission  to  his 
power,  by  waging  war  against  them,  it  was  yet  an  important 
point  of  strategy  to  cast  upon  them  the  odium  of! commencing 
hostilities,  at  least  to  a  decree  that  would  quiet  the  sm  uples 
pf  a  large  number  of  Union-loving  men  agaiaSl  the  right  and 
propriety  of  waging  war  against  those  States.     Ife  gave  re- 


peated  assurances,  thro  hiaSccictarj  a\  htale,io  the  Gomtaw- 
sioiici-a  oi  Lite  seceded  States,  that  Fort  Sumter,  in  the  Stite  of 

South  Carolina,  should  be  evacuate  ;  while,  during  tho  same 
time,  every  exertion  was  being  made  to  send  reinfoi.  «.inont i 
and ' provisions  to  it  ;  and  wheu  all  thing*  were  rJpe,  the 
evacuation  was  refused,  and  the  authoiihes  of  tho  Confede- 
rate States  defied,  and  it  became  necessary  to  take  it  by 
force.  This  was  artfully  designed  to  throw  upon  the  South 
the  responsibility  of  commencing  the  war.  and  to  enable  Mi. 
Lincoln,  with  more  color  of  justice,  to  call  his-  cohorts  to  the 
held,  for  the  pretended  purposefof  vindicating  the  honor 
and  rights'  of  the  Union,  which,  it  was  alleged,  had  bwi 
wantonly  outraged  ;  and  immediately  the  whole  country  rang 
with  the  clamor  that    :ar  ag  ■  \nmtnccu 

b)j  tkeactvj  the  South. 

The  device  worked  its  object,  and  fully  prepared  the  pub- 
lic mind  in  the  Northern  and  Western  States,  devoted  to  the 
policy  which  elected  Mr.  Lincoln,  to  take  the  hist  great  step 
in  this  war  ol  invasion,  subjugation  and  revolution.  It 
aroused  the  conservative  men  of  those  States,  who  had  an 
overweening  devotion  to  the  Union,  and  believed  that  war 
was  made  by  the  South  against  the  Union.  He  quickly 
siezed  upon  this  excitement,  and,  in  violation  of  the  clear 
provisions  oi  the  Constitution,  without  any  color  of  authoi 
ity  of  law,  he  issued  his  proclamation  calling  for  75,000 
men,  professedly  "to  suppress  combinations  too  powerful  to 
he  suppressed  by  the  ordinary  course  of  judicial  proceed- 
ings, or  by  the  powers  vested  in  the  marshals  by  law." 
This  proclamation  was  justly  regarded,  by  the  South,  as 
a  declaration  of  war,  and  as  a  preparation  for  invasion 
and  subjugation  ;  and  so  clear  and  cogent  were  the  do- 
nunciations  of  its  unconstitutional  and  despotic  character, 
that  even  Mr.  Lincoln  and  his  co-ad  jittors  were  brought 
again  to  a  pause.  At  first  the  intent  to  invade  the 
seceded  States  was  denied.  Yet  it  was  necessary  to  put 
down  tho  up-rising  oi  the  people  of  Virginia  at  this  act 
of  usurpation ;  and,  for  that  purpose,  to  invade  that 
patriotic  and  Gonstitution-loviug  State.  But  how  was 
the  constitutional  power  to  do  sof  by  the  mere  act  of  the 
Executive,  to  be  justified  ?  Tkte .  difficulty,  great  as  it 
was,  did  not  baffle  the  tvits  oi  Mr.  Lincoln's  advisers ,  nor 
turn  him  from  his  purpose.  They  determined  that  the 
act  of  retrocession  of  Alexandria  by  the  United  States  to 
+be  State  of,  Virginia  was  unconstitutional;  that,  therefore, 


that  city  was  still  a  partoi  thc-District  of  Columbia,  and 

that  the  Executive  had  a  perfect  right  to  order  the  ibices 
of  the  United  States  to  any  part  of  that  District  Having 
taken  possession  of  Alexandria,  under  this  shallow  pre- 
text, it  was  not  considered  necessary  to  show  even  a 
pretense  of  justification  for  advancing  a  hostile  army  be- 
yond that  point  into  the  heart  of  the  Slate  of  Virginia*; 
and  that  bold  step  was  quickly  taken.  And  the  war,  thus 
begun  by  the  invasion  ot  one  of  the  States  of  the  South, 
soon  assumed  the  character  of  flagrant  war  between  hos- 
tile powers. 

But  notwithstanding  the  excitement  produced  in  the 
public  mind  m  the  Union  States  by  these  events,  and  the 
apparent  alacrity  with  which  they  had  responded  to  the 
call  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  there  was  a  deep-scaled  misgiving  in 
the  mind3  of  large  numbers  of  .the  people  of  the  most  ol 
those  States  at  the  prospect  of  an  unnatural,  fratricidal 
war,  and  lest  it  should  terminate  in  the  destruction  of  the 
Constitution  and  their  liberties.  Such  a  war  could  not 
be  contemplated  without  horror;  and  the  conviction  tilled 
the  public  mind  that  it  could  be  justfiicd  only  on  the 
ground  that  it  was  absolutely  necessay  to  maintain  the 
Constitution  and  to  restore  the  Union,  with  the  rights  and 
liberties  of  each  State  intact  and  unimpaired,  as  tho'  the 
war  had  never  occurred.  They  were  constrained  to  admit  that 
upon  any  other  ground,  or  for  any  other  purpose,  the  ivar 
waged  by  them  icould  be  unnatural  and  unjustifiable — totally 
repugnant  to  the  Constitution,  and  destructive  of  the  jwineiplcs 
of  American  liberty.  So  strong  wTas  tins  sentiment  that 
the  authors  of  the  war  were  compelled  to  yield  to  its  de- 
mands, and  its  justness  was  admitted  in  the  most  em- 
phatic terms  by  Mr.  Lincoln,  Mr.  Seward,  and  b$  Con- 
gress. 

Mr.  Lincoln,  in  his  message  of  July  1861,  says ;  "Lest 
"there  be  some  uneasiness  in  the  minds  of  candid  men  as 
"to  what  is  to  be  the  course  of  the  government  towards 
"the  Southern  States,  alter  the  rebellion  shall  have  been 
"suppressed,  the  Executive  deems  it  proper  to  say,  it  will 
"be  his  purpose  (hen,  as  ever,  to  be  guided  by  the  Constitution 
uand  the  laws,  *  *  He  desires  to  preserve  the  gov- 
ernment that  it  may  bo  administered  for  all  as  it  was 
"administered  by  the  men  who  made  it."  He  employs 
the  italic  words,' in  order  to  make  this  pledge  emphatic, 


In  an  official  communication  of  Mr.  "Seward,  as  Secre- 
tary of  State,  .to  Mr.  Dayton,  minister  at  the  court  ot 
France,  dated  22d  April,  1861,  the  following  explicit  lan- 
guage is  used:  "There  is  not  even  a  pretext  for  the  corn- 
"•plaint  that  the  disaffected  States  are  to  be  conquered  by 
tkthe  United  States,  if  the  revolution  fails,  for  ihe  right?  of 
"the  States,  and  the  condition  of  every  human  being  in  them, 
''will  remain  subject  to  exactly  the  same  laws  and  farms  of 
^administration,  whether  the  revolution  shall  succeed  or  JaU, 
"In  the  one  case  the  States  would  bo  federally  connected 
iiwith  the  new  Confederacy;  iu  the  other,  they  would,  as 
"now,  be  members  of  the  United  States ;  but  the  Cons  . 
"tioris  and  laics,  customs,  habits  <n id  institutions,  in  cither  cast, 
"would  remain  the  same.  It  is  hardly  necessary  to  add  to 
"the  incontestable  statement  the  further  fact  that 
•  President,  as  well  as  the  citizens  thro'  whose  suffrage 
come  into  ihe  ajdmirUsifation,  hasahcay: 

iiatever  and  wherever  imputed  to  him  and  th 
'qf'di  system  of  slavery  it  t  is  under 

ustitution  and  laws.     The  ease  now  would  nor  be  fully  | 
"sentedif  I  were  to  omit  to  sa_        j  part 

"would  be  uTVConstitytioTUil,  and  '■  actions  in  thatdii 

"tion  would  be  prevented  by  the  proper  authority,  • 
''though  they  were  assented  tobj  Congress  and  the  peo- 
." — referring,  of  course,   in  this  last 
reme  Court. 
These  solemn   professions  and  pledges,  extorted  I 
just  •  jealousy  of  the  dangers  of  this  war  to  the 

rights  ot  the  States,  and  to  public  liberty,  appear, 
subsequent  acts  of  Mr.  Lincoln  and  his  associates,  to  h 
peen  made  to  blind  the  country  to  his    real  designs 
involve  the  States  remaining   in  the  Union  in  a  hearty 
support  of  an  unnatural  and  odious  war,  until  its  stupen- 
dous proportions  would  overwhelm  the  public  reason  in 
passion  and  fury,  to  sanction  its  reckless  prosecu:  on,   i 
until  its  immense    armaments,  uilder  Executive  coni 

ild  enable  him  to  override  all  opposition  to  his  course, 
and  to  accomplish  the  object  of  his  party,  in  defiance  of 
public  sentiment,  the  laws  and  the  Gonsititution. 

But  so  great  was   the  popular  misgiving  as  to  the  pro- 
priety and  dangers  of  the  war,  that  Congress  had  to  com« 
.  forward  to  quiet  the  public  fears,  and  the  following  resc- 


10 

lution  was  unanimously  adopted  by  Conarreas,  on  the  22v 
July,  1861:  ~      ' 

uThat  this  war  is  not  waged  on  their  part  [the  United 
States]  in  any  spirit  of  oppression,  nor  for  any  purpose  of 
"conquest  or  subjugation,  nor  purpose  of  overthrowing  or 
"interfering  with  the  rights  or  established  institutions  of  those 
"Stctfes,  but  to  defend  and  maintain  the  supremacy  of  the  Con- 
"stitidLon,and  to  preserve  the  Union,  wit%  all  the  dignity,  equality 
uand  rights  of  the  several  States  unimpaired;  and  that  as 
"soon  as  these  objects  are  accomplished  th'e  war  ought  to 
"cease." 

According  to  the  spirit  of  this  resolution,  if  it  was 
adopted  rn  sincerity  and  good  faith,  the  war  ought  to 
have  ceased  whenever  it  was  found  that  it1  could  not  be 
succesfully  carried  on  without  "overthrowing  the  rights 
and  established  institutions  of  the  Southern  State?,' '"and 
without  violating  "the  supremacy  of  the -Constitution/' 
Yet  that  same  Congress  passed  numerous  acts  of  the 
strongest' character  for  the  prosecution  of  the  war,  after 
Mr.  Lincoln  had  declared  that  it  could  not  be'successiully 
carried  on  without'a  violation  of  the  Constitution,  and 
that  it  whs  a  '^military  necessity"  to  overthrow  the  con- 
stitutional "rights  and  the  established  institutions  of 
these  8tstes.': 

After  the  conflict  of  battles  began,  it  soon  became  evi- 
dent that  the  South  was  not  to  fall  an -easy  prey  to  the 
overwhelming  numbers  of  her  enemies,  as  they  had  so 
confidently  expected  at  the  outset.  In  nearly  every  en- 
gagement, they  were  vanquished1  with  disgrace.  The 
successes  of  the  South  but  infuriated  her  enemies,  and 
enabled  Mr.  Lincoln  to  call  into  the  field  an- immense 
army,  with  vast  resources  and  munitions  of  war,  and  to 
Have  enormous  sums  of  money  placed  at  his  disposal— all 
adding  greatly  to  his  political  power  in  the  Union  States. 
During  the  first  eight  months  of  the  war  its  fortunes 
were  almost  invariably  with  the  South,  and  gloom  ap- 
•peared  to  overspread  the  prospects  of  her  enemies.  Dur- 
ing that  period  it  was  prudent  to  disclose  no  manifesta- 
tions in  favor  of  the  policy  of  Mr;  Lincoln's  party.  But 
light  beamed  on  their  cause  in  the  latter  part  of  the  win- 
ter and  in  the  spring  of  1862,  by  the  battles  of  Fishing- 
Creek  and  Fort  Donelson.  and  the  surrender  of  Norfolk, 
Boancke  Island.  Bowling  Green  and  Nashville,  with  a  fair 


prospect  of  overrunning  Tennessee  and  j^^iUi  Alabnn.a, 
of  reducing  Hew  Orleans,  Vicksburg  and  Memphis,  und 

of  getting  possession  oi  the  Mississippi  river.  "With  what 
wae  believed  to  be  an  ovewhelming  army,  and  with  ex- 
haustless  resources,  against  the  small  and  poorly  armed 
forces  of  the  Souih,  cut  off  from  commerce  and  communica- 
tion with  the  world,  and  pcs*essi'  meagre  int  el  aal 
resources  of  money  or  munitions  of  war.  or  even  of  suhpigt; 
ence,  as  was  believed,  the  contest  seemed  to  be  within  the 
power  of  the  North  and  nearly  at  an  end  ;  and  yet  the  spirit 
of  evil  engendered  by  the  war  had  prepare!  I  i  any 
inca-  hostility,  to  the  rig  heSoutli, 
$rer  revolting  to  prioinle  and  justice.  Public  attention 
was  absorbed  in  the  gigantic  druggie  which  was  raging  ; 
and  tiie  confusion  and  demoral  I  by  it  was 
(...  as  to  rem  e  of  the  Union  Stales,  to  a  great 
ee,  reckless  of  ex  .  r<sed  to  bring  it  to  a  close 
aL  to  prevent  its  re  :  and  the  Ccn-ti- 
intton  were  all  h  e  excitement*  which  filled 
the  poj  alar  mind.    The  tii 

*rds  the.  policy  ■Kill. 

•  artizans  were  ta  execution.     It  was  time 

ijn  to  give  s  that  he  had  n  oncd  the 

great  cause   wine.  ]  owei      lie  had  suc- 

cd  in  arraying  the  Eastern,  Nq  th western 

States  under  his  banner.  '  ;  J     'overrun 

Maryland;  £cptiicky  and  M  ■■  ad  a  powerful  army 

•and  to  put  down 
ion  to  his  measures  in  theUpion  -  ge  was  true 

•f^e,  and  did  no!  ..  pro- 

as   circumstances    to    taker:! 

t  pf  bia   mission.     Or  March,    18G2*,  he    recom- 

tp  Congress   tie   a  i     a  resolution   which  he 

tii  -States  snould  co-ope- 

.   bi  the  States  in  abolishing  sla^e:  \  dng  them 

compensation  in  money   for  their   slaves  ;  and   urging  upon 
itatea  the  adoption  of  a  gradual  abolishment  of  slavery. 
Inns  was  exhibited  the  first  truthfuim*:; 

of  nis  inaugural  dcoTaration:  made  j  :emn  sanction 

of  his  chucia]  '  at  "he  had  no  p-crpese  dircctiy  or  indi- 

rectly to   v.  with   the    institution  of   slavery  in  tne 

beJieved  Kawful  right  to  do 

?■)  ;'  and  wit:  shing   effrontery,  was    presented  to  the 

world  a  deiio  rate    f^sificattes  of  this   h  gh  pledge,  at  the 


12 

fh'st  time  when  ho  could,  "Willi   any   safety,  feature  to  make 
the  experiment. 

Its  object  manifestly  was  to  alienate  the  slave -State.-  which 
ha«l  not  seceded,  from  those  which  had  seceded,  and  to  unite 
them  in  political  affiliation  with  the  Northern  States,  so  as 
to  constitute  a  majority  which  would  enable  them  to  make 
sr.ch  amendments  to  the  Constitution  us  would  give  to  Con- 
gress the  power  to  abolish  slavery,  in  the  event  that  the 
seceded  Slates  should  be  restored  to  the  Union.  There  was 
nothing  in  "the  state  of  the  war  or. in  the  condition  pftho 
'vnin'ry,  in  the  least,, calUffgfjfor  it.  It  was  not  placed  <  ti  the 
ground  °f  miUtttry  nmssUiji  And  it  was  universally  regard- 
ed by  the  eonhfry  ami  treated  by  its  friends  as  the  first  aet  in 
die . programme  of  abolition  and  revolution.  i.Uitit  met  with 
but  little  favor  from  the  Border  States,  for  whom  it  was 
particularly  intended;  and  seemed  at  best  to  promise  but  a 
very  tardy  realization  of  the  hopes  of  his  party,  altogether 
too  tardy  ibr  thou*  wishes,  liie  importunities  of  hid  party 
demanded  Ih'at  something  farther  should  be  (bote. 

Meanwhile,  active    measures    v:(]?^    taken    in   Congress  rt. 

abolish  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  and  to    rend-r 

the  law  tor  the  re<$pvery  of  ifug.it? vc   slaves  nugatory  :    an  I 

his  military  commanders    c&couraged    the    escape  of   -hive- 

from  their  masters,  under  the  authority   and  sanction  of  ihe 

Executive,  giving  them   aid    and   .protection,  and  re  using  (»> 

Oliver  them  up,  even  in   the  States  remaining  in  the  Union. 

The  war  raged   with    increased    violence   i,n  the  summer  rii 

1862.     The    rc^ferses  of    that  period,  to   his  arms  &jled  his 

acherents  with    dismay,  and' , seemed*  to  threaten  overthrow 

and  disgrace  to  his  cause   and    to    the    Siates    which    were 

mainly   supporting    him.     The    public    mind   at   the    North 

■■ct'mcd  to  be  stunned  to  insensibility  and  prepared  tosubmb 

■>  any  em-ami;  v.  however  $>&rihog   and    abhorrent  to   prin- 

pie,  wlvoa  off,  a  id    any    hWpe    or    promise  of  relief  to  the 

'sporate   fnrtmms  \  ?  •.-..  ■  Coasted arma^ehts  of   the  United. 

'ates.     But    few    ron>n';oa;»ffveh;    among    them    were  found 

idy  to  ehi-vt.  to   Tirei- ,r  4>  *5  ;ash.  i'ii  tones  of  sober  reason, 

aukl    have   been    re*:1-*' d<:?j   <•.-    rifoli-sirous.     What   he  had 

rst   ca'ivri    fo  do    h  success  u-f  his    arms,  he  was  now  em- 

-aklcncd  to  p!-eA  umb  ?  r-v-'^rse^.-ho^ng   for  better  results. 

War  and  cim-Vio'-i   ana    tibtioHlvA -uiwj    rendered  the   time 

favorable  to  the  i  mention  m  r.he  urea    idea  of   Mr.   Lincoln 

and  his  party.  afo'6  .-o  seized   the  jucetuia  to  promulgate  his 

grand  coup  £  eM.     On  the  22c!   September,  lSr)2y  he  issued 


♦ 


13 

his  proclamation  declaring  all  the  slaves  in  the  sec*4f 
Slates  free  ;  thereby,  according  to  his  own  admission  ink 
inaugural  speech,  declaring  the  annihilation  of  the  Constit 
tion  and  Union  created  by  it,  falsifying  the  pledge  of  b 
chief  minister  of  Slate,  am:  doing  violence  to  the  declar; 
tions  of  Congress. 

Thus  was  fulfilled  the  great  object  which  brought  him  ml 
power,  and  thus  were  verified  the  worst  apprehensions  oi  th< 
South.     The  act   stands  forth  a  confessed  violation  of  the 
Constitution,  attempted  to  be  justified  as  a  measure  of  neces- 
sity  to  suppress    the   alleged  rebellion   and  to    restore    the 
Vnion. 

But  the  pretense  is  too  shallow  and  absurd  to  com 
rnand  any  respect,  either  for  its  sincerity  or  its  soundness. 
It  is  nakedly  absurd;  because  it  purports  to  maintain 
the  Union,  by  usurping  powers  confessedly  denied  by 
the  Constitution ;  which  would  be,  not  to  preserve  the 
Union  made  bv  the  Constitution,  but  to  Set  up  a  new  and 
different  Government,  without  limit  of  power,  to  be  admin- 
istered by  the  Executive,  at  will,  whenever  he  considered 
that  a,  necessity  justified  the  exercise  of  undelegated  el- 
even prohibited 'powers,  and  whenever  he  possessed  the 
physical  power  to  enforce  his  edicts.  This  is  a  bold  and 
profligate  revolution  in  the  Government,  and  not  a  resto- 
ration" of  its  legitimate  functions;  and  when  the  edict  is 
attempted  to  be  maintained  by  torce,  it  is  rank  treason 
before  Heaven  and  agaiust  the  Constitution.  To  say  that 
the  Union  could  not  be  maintained  but  by  violating  the  Constitu- 
tion, at  once  the  source  and  limit  of  its  power,  is  to  admit  it  a 
failure;  and  to  say  that  the  Government  should  be  sustaiaed  by 
'means  of  violations  of  the  organic  law  of  its  existence,  is  to 
proclaim  a  revolution.  It  is  false  and  perfidious;  because 
the  abolition  of  slavery  in  the  Southern  States,  ii  effec- 
tual, would  render  the  restoration  of  the  Union  impossi- 
ble, since  their  right  to  hold  slaves  is  solemnly  recognized 
in  the  Constitution,  as  a  right  of  private  property,  involv- 
ing, in  a  high  degree,  the  happiness  and  domestie  welfare 
of  "those  States:  and  as  an  element  of  political  power  in  the 
Government]  rights  considered  so  indispensable  to  their 
best  interests,  that  it  is  acknowledged  the  Union  couh 
not  have  been  formed  without  their  full  recognition. 
This  right  of  property  is  placed  beyond  the  power  ol 
the  Federal  Government,  bv   the  9th   and  10th  amend- 


.         14 

merits  to  the  Constitution.  The  abolition  of  slavery  m 
those  States  would,  therefore,  be  to  deprive  them  of  their 
cardinal  rights  under  the  Constitution,  and  to  destroy  a 
fundamental  condition  of  the  Union,  as  it  was  made.  If 
the  slaves  be  rendered  free,  as  this  proclamation  declares 
them  to  be,  Mr.  Lincoln's  doctrine  is,  that  their  freedom 
is  perpetual  and  beyond  the  power  of  the  Government. 
This  condition  of  freedom  would,  then,  be  irrevocable, 
under  his  theory;  and  it  would  be  impossible,  at  any 
time,  to  restore  those  States  to  the  Union  without  the 
aestriiciion  of  their  original  fundamental  rights,  the  pro- 
tection of  which  was  an  indispensable  condition  of  the 
Union.  The  proclamation  destroys  the  State  Constitu- 
tions under  which  they  entered  the  Union,  which  the 
United  States  are  bound  to  respect,  and  with  which  the}7 
have  no  right  to  interfere.  Hence  it  Is  idle  to  say,  that 
this  revolutionary  measure  can  be  justified  as  a  means  of 
restoring  and  preserving  the  Union.  It  is  radically  de- 
structive of  the  Union,  incompatible  with  its  existence, 
and  renders  its  restoration  impossible. 

It  is,  therefore,  too  plain  to  admit  of  any  concealment, 
that  this  monstrous  act  could  not  have  had  for  its  object  the 
reservation  of  the  Union,  but  was  the  fulfillment  of  the  the- 
ory that  there  is  a  higher  law  for  the  administration  of  the 
government  of  the  United  States,  than  the  Constitution,  and 
a  more  sacred  duty  to  the  officers  under  it  than  that  imposed 
by  the  oath  tp  support  that  Constitution  ;  and  that,  reckless 
of  the  Constitution  and  of  his  oath  to  support  it,  he  has  com- 
mitted the  high  crime  of  attempting  to  abolish  the  Constitu- 
tion, iu  order  to  fulfill  the  pledges  of  his  election,  and  carry 
out  the  miserable  schemes  which  have  worked  a  to:al  revo- 
lution in  the  government  of  our  fathers  and  drenched  our 
once  happy  land  in  blood  i 

James  came  into  power  with  a  fixed  purpose  to  accomplish 
his  unconstitutional  ends — so  did  Mr.  Lincoln.  James  denied 
the  moral  force  of  the  religious  system  of  England  on  his 
conscience — Mr.  Lincoln  was  the  representative  of  a  party, 
holding  that  there"  was  a  higher  law,  which,  in  conscience,  he 
was  bound  to  respect,  than  the  Constitution  ;  and  he  has 
acted  accordingly.  Both  made  public  declarations,  on  com- 
ing into  power,  falsifying  their  real  designs;  and  both  vio- 
lated those  declarations, and  attempted  to  fulfill  their  primary 
purposes.     After   James   had  reached  the   polat  of   openly 


violating  his  pledge,  lie  claimed  the  right  to  commit  the  acts 
on  the  ground  of  his  prerogative,  as  the  legal  head  of  the 
Church  and  the  defender  of  the  rights  of  conscience— when 
Mr.  Lincoln  came  to  the  Fame  point,  he  has  set  np  the  neces- 
sity of  preserving  the  Union  as  a  pretext  for  hi,:  manifold 
violations  of  the  Constitution,  and  for  his  attempt  to  fulfill 
his  original  party  pledges— claiming  the  right  to  violate  the 
Constitution,  as  incident  to  his  power  as  commander-in-chief 
of  the  army.  The  difference  is  only  in  name.  What  James 
claimed  the  right  to  do  by  prerogative,  Mr.  Lincoln-  assumed 
The  power  to  tiofrom  necessity  ;  both  claims  being  in  flagrant 
violation  of  the  Constitution.  But  the  pretest  of  Mr.  Lin- 
coln is  much  more  shameless  and  desperate  than  that  of 
James,  since  Mr.  Lincoln's  usurpations  are,  in  many  instance* 
against  the  .express  prohibitions  of  the  Constitution  which 
he  had  sworn  to  support,  with  the  declaration  on  his  lips 
that  it  gave  no  warranty  for  the  acts  he  has  committed.  Bis 
infamy  is  more  flagrant  because  he  had-  openly  committed 
himself  before  his  Election  to  a  course  destructive  of 'tee 
Constitution,  and  had   accepted  his  omce  at  is  of 

those  who  confidently  relied  on  his  faithfulness  to  his  pledge. 
The  judgement  of  mankind  has  pronounced  the  usurpations 
of  James  an  attempted  revolution  ;  and  both  the  usurpations 
of  Mr.  Lincoln  and  the  plea  of  necessity  offered  for  their 
justiicatiom  if  successful,  would   most  eile^;:'  .  flish  the 

Constitution  and  set  np  a  despotism.     History  has  consigned 
the '"name  of  James  to  infamy;  it  remains  to  be  seen  how  it 
'ill  dispose  of  Mr.  Lincoln. 

FALSE  PHILANTHROPY  AGAINST  VESTED  RIGHTS. 

2.  In  Ireland  there  was  no  disability  or  exclusion  of  the 
Irish  in  holding  office,  either  civil  or  military.     Yet  the 
English  and  Scotch  colonists  had  the  ascendency  in  the 
government  ot  the  country,  the  plain  result  of  their  supe- 
riority in  wealth,  intelligence    and  influence.      James 
resolved  to  place  them  under  the  ban  ;  to  give  superiority. 
to  ignorance  and  barbarism  in   the   native   race,   oyer 
intelligence  and  cultivation  in  the  colonists:  "to  deprive 
the  latter  of  all  places  of  honor",  and  exclude  them  from 
11  positions  of  profit  and  influence ;   and  to  subject  them 
o  insults  and  injuries  of  person,  and  to  confiscation  of 
roperty,  which  would  deprive  them  of  their  rights,  and 
'tlier  drive  them  from  the  island  or  place  them  in  a  state 


16 

of  degradation  to -the  Irish  inhabitants;  To  efiect  this, 
Hb  determined  to  unsettle  the  policy  and  institutions 
which  had  grown  for  a  long  series  of  years  under  the 
industry  and  intelligence  of  the  colonists,  and  had  become 
established  as  the  basis  of  the  wealth  and  prosperity  of 
the  country  ;  and  which,  whether  right  or  wrong  in  the. 
abstract,  iii  its  inception,  had  been  firmly  fized  by  time 
and  general  consent,  and  could  not  be  disturbed  without 
unsettling  the  very  foundations  of  society.  Instead  of 
reconciling  the  hostility  and  antipathies  existing  between 
the  tvo  races — which  be  occupied  a  position  as  an  Eng- 
lish Catholic  enabling  him  to  do — he  set  about  disturbing 
the  laws  which  regulated  their  rights  and  relations,  and 
which  by  rime  had  become  an/  established  system  ;  and 
adopted  a  course  to  destroy  firmly-settled-  and  long-en- 
joyed fights,  and  to  array,  one  class  of  society  in  more 
deadly  discontent,  violence  and  strife  against  the  other. 

These  exhorts  have  bee,n  held,  by  the  opinion  of  the 
world,  :o  be  a  wicked  interference  with  the  settled  policy 
of  the  country,  and  an  outrage  on  private  rights. 

To  all  this,  the  course  of  Mr,  Lincoln  bears  a  striking 
analogy  He  was  the  avowed  advocate  and  pledged  rep- 
resentative of  the  dogma  that  the  slaves  in  the  Southern 
States  are  equal  in  political  and  social  rights  with  their 
masters,  according  to  the  principles  of  American  institu- 
tions; and  that  slavery  should  be  "abolished  and  this  equal- 
ity established.  His  nomination  was  supported  on  this 
ground,  and  his  election  was  heralded  throughout  the 
country,  as — in  the  language  of  Mr.  Seward — "the  great 
triumphal  inauguration  of  this  policy  into  the  government; "  and, 
in  the  language  of  Mr.  Chase,  as  a  work  that  would  "go 
straight , on  vydhout  faltering  or  wavering,  until  the  swu  in  all 
itk  journey  from  the  utmost  Eastern  horizon  through  the  mid- 
heaven  until  he  sinks  behind  the  Western  bed,  shall  not  be- 
hold THE  FOOT-PRINT  OF  A  SINGLE  SLAVE  IN  ALL  OUR  BROAD 

and  glorious  land."  The  domestic  system  of  those 
States  was  to  be  destroyed;  their  system  of  labor  broken 
up,  involving  revolution  in  their  political  rights,  and 
wide-spread  ruin  to  theirs  main  pursuits,  their  wealth, 
their  property  and  their  social  institutions,  and  desolating 
to  their  landed  estates  ;  degrading. the  master  to  the  foot- 
ing of  equality  with  his  slave,  and  striking  down  his  im- 
memorial rights,  which,    in  .every  for lu.  had  received  the 


17 

•lion  and  guaranty  of  -their  Constitution   and  IawsJ 
belli  State  and  Federal. 

In  the  policy  of  James,  there  were  not  wanting  consid- 
erations of  justice,  in  the  abstract,  in  excuse  or  palliation 
of  it,  inasmuch  as  its  professed  object  was  to  favor  the 
original  inhabitants  of  the  country,  a  race  of  people  pos- 
sessed of  many  noble  elements  of  character,  which  only 
required  cultivation  to  be  developed,  and  which  the  gov- 
ernment might  properly  foster.  But  these  reasons  had 
no  existence  in  the  ease  of  the  negroes  of  the  Southern 
States.  They  were  of  different  color  from  the  white  race, 
were  marked  by  as  an   inferior  race,   had  evei 

occupied  that  condition,  and  had  no  claims  as  the  original 
inhabitants  of  the    country.     They   seemed  destined  it- 
nature  to  fill  the  place  of  menials  to  labor  in  the  heat 
tke.  Southern  sun,  was  indispensablc'to  the  derel- 

■nt  of  the  resources  of  wealth  marked  by  Provide 
■  office"  of  tl  >n.  in  supplying  the  world  with 

ultural  products  highly  conducive  to  the  comfort  ot 
kind.     In  conformity  to  this  law  of  naturtf,  assigning 
•  »  theih  the  position  of  menials  and  operatives,  they  <>;■ 
their  progenitors   were    imported   into    the   country,    as 
property  ;  from  our  first  settlement  here,  they  were  held. 

give's,  and  'that  status  was  assigned  to  them'bythe 
of  those  States  1  e  Union  w-as  former! ;  thti   ■ 

recognize!  as  slaves   and  propdfty   in    the  Coristftul 
which  made  the  Union;  and  that'pnion  was  formed  v 
iiie  distinct  admission,  in  the  Constitution,  that  the  right 
to  hold  them  as  slaves  was  a  part  ot  the  domestic  polif-y 
e  Staves,  which  was  incorporated  as  an   elerrtent  ot 
!    t  and  of  representation  in  the  government  of 
the  United  States,  by  the  terms  of  the  Constitution. 
right  icas   therefore,  engrafted  into,  and  formed  a  part  c- 
i'umpact -of  the  Union.     Besides  all  this,  the  slaves   tfeie 
contented  and  happy  in  their  condition. 

Mr.  Lincoln^  mission  was  to  destroy  tin's  institution .  even 
at  the  hazard  of  a  dissolution    of    a   great  and    happy    i 
powerful  Federal  Union  ;    and  while  in  point  of  wioiednes* 
and  infatuation,  in  the  main  design,  this  crusade  bears  a  re- 
markable similitude  to  the  Irish  policy  of  James,  it  is  nk< 
marked  by  a  strong  analogy  to  that,  in  many  of  its  details. 

Jauaes    adopted    the    policy  of  ejecting  the  colonists  \ 
nearly  ail  ?es  in   Ireland,  arc  of  placing  Catholw 


IB 

ieir  places.    The  army  wars  filled  with  recruits  of  the  na- 
ves, to  the  exclusion  of  the  colonists,  with  license  to  the 
ew  recruits  to  burn  the  houses  of  Protestant  colonists  and 
dunder   them  of  their  property,  under  the  most  shocking 
nsults  and  outrages   to  their  persons,  regardless  of  sex  or 
condition.     These  outrages  were  not  only  not  punished,  but 
were  encouraged,  and  a  large   portion  ef  the  most  respect- 
able inhabitants  were  driven  into  England  for  safety. 

Mr.  Lincoln  has  proclaimed  the  slaves  free,  and  armed 
them  to  resist  their  masters.  >He  has  incited  them  to  commH 
the  most  horrid  acts  of  plunder,  arson  and  murder,  without 
regard  to  age,  sex  or  condition,  against  the  white  race  and 
their  legal  masters,  and  given  them  protection  when  taking 
refuge  for  their  crimes  in  hig  military  posts,  refusing  to  de- 
liver them  up  for  punishment.  He  has  solemnly  declared  in 
his  proclamation  of  September  22d,  that  he- "will  do  no  act 
to,  repress  them  in  any  efforts  they  may  make  for  their  free- 
dom" however  abhorrent  to  the  laws  of  God  and  of  human- 
ity ! 

Large  numbers  of  the  most    respectable  private  citizens 
have  been  actually  driven   from  their  homes,- by  his  military 
commanders,  under  his  authority,  stripped  of  all  their  prop- 
erty and  banishe-d  into  distant  States,  because  they  would  not 
take  the  immoral   and   unconstitutional  oath  to  support  the 
r*cts  of  his  government.    In  numerous   instances  favor  has 
been  shown  to  slaves    where,  mercy  would    not  spare  their 
masters,  who  were  peaceable  private  citizens;    and  prece- 
dence has  been  given  to  the  slaves,  with  insult  and  outrage 
iQ.  their  masters,  in  disposing  of  their  own  pillaged  proi>- 
e<|y>     His  soldiers  have  been  allowed  a  full  license  to  sack 
cities  and  towns;  to  burn  the  private   dwellings  of  persons' 
not  bearing  arms,  and    frequently,   of  helpless  females ;  to 
burn  churches  and  desecrate  their  altars  and    rob  them  of 
'heir  sacred  utensils  ;  to  pillage  and  destroy  the  entire  prop- 
erly of  private  citizens    throughout  whole    sections   of  the 
country,  with  every  form  of  injury  and  insult  to  their  own- 
ers.    His  course  of  vandalism  has  not  occurred   in  merely 
exceptional  cases  where  discipline  could  not«prevent  it,    but 
t  has  been  the  settled  practice  wherever  his  armies  advance 
*to  the   Southern    States ;  so  that    in  large    regions  of  the 
lost  wealthy  and  fertile  parts  of  those  States,  the  private 
uzens,  nor.  bearing  arms,    are  stripped  of  every  vestige  of 
e  means  of  subsistence;  their  mills,  barns,  granaries  =and 


19 

farm  houses,  with  their  contents,  wantonly  b timed ;  the;! 
gardens  and  the  enclosures  of  their  plantations  destroyed  ; 
their  timber  felled;  their  horses,  mules  and  cattle  taken 
away  by  force  ;  their  money,  jewelry  and  costly  furniture 
and  clothing  either  stolen  or  wantonly  destroyed,  and  their 
own  slaves  either  taken  away  from  them  or  incited  to  insult 
and  violence  against  them. 

Compared  with  these  outrages  against  the  rules  of  civiliz- 
ed war,  and  the  dictates  of  humanity,  to  say  nothing  of  the 
claims  of  justice  and  constitutional  right,  even  the  enormi- 
ties of  James  in. Ireland  sink  into  utter  insignificance. 

THE«t  LAWLESS  PROCLAMATIONS. 

3.  James  issued  his  original  Declaration  of  Indulgence, 
by  which  he  set  at  nought  a  long  series  of  acts  of  Parlia- 
ment in  favor  of  the  Established  church,  enacting  penalties, 
or  creating  disabilities  against  Roman  Catholics,  Protestant 
Dissenters  and  Non-Conformists.  This  was  for  the  pur- 
pose of  making  interest  with  all  classes  laboring  under 
these  disabilities,  and  to  obtain  their  support,  which  was 
ultimately  to  be  used  to  establish  the  supremacy  of  the 
Romish  Church  in  England,  when  he  should  have  the  power. 
Re  afterwards  put  forth  his  second  Declaration  of  Indul- 
gence, repeating  the  statements  of  the  former,  and  declar- 
ing his  (leicrmiu:i! ion  to  enforce  it,  by  giving  office  only  to 
such  persons  as  suited*  his  designs  and  that  he  had  dismiss- 
ed many  from  office  for  their  opposition  to  his  views.  This 
declaration  was  ordered  to  be  read  by  all  the  officiating  min- 
isters in  all  the  churches  in  the  Kingdom.  It  was  a  gross 
and  palpable  eifbrt  to  strike  down  the  Established  Church, 
by  trampling  under  foot  ail  the  laws  in  its  favor,  though 
forming  an  essential  part  of  the  Constitution  of  the  realm. 
After  the  same  precedent  has  b^en  the  course  of  Mr.  Lin- 
coln, He  and  his  party  have  annulled  the  law  for  the  re- 
capture of  fugitive  slave-,  a  law  passed,  under  most  solemn 
circumstances  of  conciliation  and  compromise,  to  enforce  a 
positive  right  specified  in  the  Constitution.  This  Was  done 
m  violation  of  an  emphatic  pledge  in  his  inaugural  address. 
'He  has  caused  a  law  to  be  passed  abolishing  slavery  in  the 
District  of  Columbia  against  the  wishes  of  their  owners. 
He  has  displaced  from  their  positions,  the  most  conspicuous 
o*r   his  generals  in  command  of  his   armies,  because  they 


20 

were  appp&ed  to  carrying  on  the  war  as~a  means  of  abolish-' 
ing  slavery,  and  were unwilling  to  pursue  his  policy  in  plac- 
ing arms  in  the  hands  of  slaves,  encouraging  them  to  escape 
from  their  masters'  possession,  arid  enlisting  them  in  his  ar- 
mies. As  if  to  pursue  the  very  forms  adopted  by  his  pro- 
totype James,  he  has  issued  his  first  and  his  second  Proc- 
lamations of  Freedom  to  slaves,  assuming,  as  did  James 
the  power  by  proclamation  to  annul  all  the  laws,  both  $tate 
and  Federal,  and  trie  rights  guarantied  by  the  Constitution, 
in  regard  to  holding  slaves,  ■• 

THE  RIGHT  OF  PERSONAL  LIBERTY  AND  OF  AX  INDEPENDENT 

JUDICIARY. 

4.  By  the  common  law  of  England,  no  subject  not  be- 
longing  to  the  army  was  liable  to  summary  punishment  by 
military  tribunals  ;  nor  was  even  a  soldier  in  the  army  sub- 
ject to  such  punishment,  in  time  of  peace.-  James  deter- 
mined to  set  aside  this  rule:  and  in  order  to  effect  his 
purpose,  he  dismissed  from  office  Judges  who  would  not 
.-auction  his  tyrannical  demands  and  pronounce  the  power 
to  inflict  such  summary  punishment  legal,  and  placed  on  the 
bench  corrupt  tools  who  would  declare  the  law  according  to 
his  will;  and  under  this  arbitrary  power,  many  subjects  were 
doomed  to  severe  aind  disgraceful  punishments.  It  was  a 
rhenshed  vyish  with,  him  to  repeal  the  Habeas  Corpus  act,  be- 
cause it  stood  an  obstacle  in  the  way  of  Ins  exereise  of 
summary  vengeance  against  his  enemies,  who,  having  com- 
mitted no  offence  against  the  law,  would  not  have  been  sub- 
i'(  t  to  punishment,  except  by  the  violation  of  the  settled 
rules  of  legal  procedure, 

Mr.  Lincoln  has  followed  the  same  example.  In  the  case 
of  Merry  man — a  private  citizen  in  the  State  of  Maryland, 
vylio  wa~  arrested  wiihout  warrant  and  by  mere  military 
;»rdfi-,  and  was  detained  in  a  military  prison — he  ordered 
ih at  the  party  should  not  be  produced  before  the  Chief  Jus- 
tice of  ti,e  jvijifed  Slates  in  obedience  to  th;e  writ  of  Habai* 
(><;q)>ji  granted  by  him  ;  and  notwithstanding  the  decision  oi 
dial.  emjnejU  and  pure  Judge — that  the  poWerthus  assumed 
was  in  vioiaiinu  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States- — 
•    ;.   rsistod  h  vr* ■■:  permit  the  prisoner  to  be  produced 

*     of  his  cl'.- ten  lieu  lu  be  emruired    into;  and 


21 

Siess  was  mirsueo!  by  him  hi  many 
5  ar. '  rwards,  denying  the  benefit  of  the  sacred  writ  of 
Habeas   Corpm  to  parties  :y  imprisoned     under 

:  >.  But  he  did  net  stop  at  this.  By  the  fifth  amended 
Article  of  ihe  fcimatitution,  "no  person  shall  be  held  toaiv- 
^'.V(T  for  a  capital  or-  i  infamous  crime,   unless  on  i; 

presentment  or  indictment  of  a  grand  jury,   except  in  cases 
.-•.:  king  in  the  Fand  or  naval  forces,  or  in  the  militia  when  in 
actual  service  in   tirrte  of  War  ortounlic    danger."     This  U 
entirely  set  at  fiawi+lit  by  his  proclamation   of  24th  Soptem- 
.  LS  '<-,  decreeing  that*/?/  p:/wMt  discouraging  volunteer 
enlistments,   resisting  militia    d rails,  or  guilty  of  any  dis- 
practice,  affording  aid  and  comfort  to  the  rebels  against 
the  authority  of  the  United  State?,  shall  be  subject  to  martial 
ami  Uabh  to  trial  and  jnmiskmeni  by  Court  Martial  or  mill- 
ion. 
Iv.vr  Jarhes  had  not  the  hard  ihortii   to  down  at  one. 

hloW  the  sacred  ami  venerated  writ 'of  Hal  ;  but 

Mr.  Lincoln  not  only  did  not  scruple  to  do  this,  but  he  has 
boldly -dared  to  override  i!  m  strike  .clown 

the  private  citizen  who  was  protected  bj*  il  .   ohi- 

bitions,  so  that  all  the  departments  of  the  Government 
united,  were  powerless  to  subject  him  to  the  arbitrary  mode 
of  trial  ordained  by  Mr.  Lincoln.  He  has  deterred  judges 
from  the  performance  of  their  duty  to  n  let  i  lawless 

imprisonment  private  citizens  arrested   by  his  mere  ord 
•a  some  i  tgtyaining  them  basely  to  sustain  his  illegal 

edicts,  and  in  others,  has  imprisoned  ll  )  had  the  vir- 

tue to  declare  that  his  acts  were  unconstitutional,  incases 
brought  before  them  in  the  due  course  of  judicial  duty.  He 
has  despised  the  legitimate  authority  of  an  independent 
judiciary,  and  setthe  military  above  the  civil  power,  in  mat- 
ters of  right  of  private  citizens,  and  has  deliberately  set  at 
naught,  the  Constitution  and  the  laws  which  it  was  their  sol- 
(  mn  duty  and  high  prerogative  to  expound  and  main- 
tain— and  all  this  in  States  remaining  in  the  Union. 

o 

THE  FREEDOM  OF  SPEECH  AND    OF  THE     TRESS THE  EEIGN 

OF    TE?;ROm 

6.     James  established  a  Reign  of  Terror,    under  which 
the  liberty  of  conscience,  and   the  freedom  of  speech  and 


of  the  press,  were  effectually  prostrated,  or  perverted  to  hia 
ends  of  usurpation  and  oppression. 

Mr.  Lincoln,  in  defiance  of  the  first  amended  article  of 
the  Constitution  has  attempted  to  crush  the  freedom  of 
speecli  and  of  the  press.  He  has  caused  large  numbers" 
t)f  citizens  of  States  still  in  the  Union,  to  be  seized  and  im- 
mured in  distant  Ba stiles,  mi  close  and  loathsome  imprison- 
ment, deprived  of  all  the  comforts  of  life,  to  the  great  pen! 
ot  their  health  and  even  of  their  lives,  and  there  kept  for 
many  months,  and  in  many  cases  for  more  than  a  year,, 
without  Irgal  notice  of  the  charges  against  them,  denk 
the  sacred  right  demanded  by  them  and  guarantied  by  the 
fifth  and  sixth  amended  articles  of  the  Constitution,  to  be 
proceeded  against  according  to  law,  to  be  confronted  fojy 
witnesses  against  them,  and  to  have  a  speedy  trial.  He 
has  suppressed  many  newspaper  presses  in  States  still 
members  of  the  '  mon,  and  imprisoned  or  banished  from 
their  homes  their  editors  ;  thereby,  in  many  States,  com- 
pletely stifling  the  freedom  of  the  press,  or  subduing  it  to 
abject  servility  to  his  will.  These  enormities  were  com- 
mitted m  States  belonging  to  the  Union,  where  the  course  of 

aw  for  the  punishment  of  offences,  if  any  were  committed 
by  the  parties,  was  entirely  unobstructed,  and  for  no  other 
cause  than  that  the  persons  had  exercised  the  right  of  Amer- 

::.::  citizens  to  discuss  the  acts  of  his  administration,  and 
to  denounce  his  violations  of  the  Constitution, 

ASSAULTS  ON    CHARTERED  INSTITUTIONS. 

;.  James  made  war  on  the  Universities  of  Oxford  and 
Cambridge,  because  they  would  not  obey  his  illegal  behests, 
and  place  Roman  Catholics  into  offices  of  high  trust,  in  vio- 
lation of  their  charters  and  the  laws  of  the  land.  He  de- 
posed me  duly  appointed  Presidents  and  officers  of  those 
corporations,  assumed  to  appoint  minions  of  his  own  will, 
in  order  to  pervert  them  to  the  ends  of  the  Romish  Church; 
aria,  for  the  contumacy  of  the  officers  ejected  by  him  in  in- 
ng  on  their  clear  legal-  rights,  the}r  were  subjected  .to 
grievous  insults  and  to  cruel  persecutions  as  criminals. 

Mr.  Lincoln's  course  lias  been  o^  the  same  character., 
He  deposed  the  regularly  elected  and  constituted  municipal 
officers  of  me  ci:y  of  Baltimore,  because  they  were  suspect- 
ed o:  being  unwilling  to  subserve  his  purposes  ;  and  having 


23 

overran  ihe  city  by  military  force,    these   officer.3  were  dX: 
rested  at  midnight  by  armed  ruffians,  without  notice  of 
criminal  charge  against  them,   and    hurried   off  to  distent 
military  prisons,  where  they  were  kept  in  close  confinement 
and  in    great    suffering    of  body  and  mind,   for  more  I 
twele  months,  denied  The  right  of  trial  or  any  civil 
In  the  meantime,  the  people  of  the  ciiy,    overawe  1  by 
presence  and  menaces  of  iiis  foices,  were  constrained  to  elect 
officers  who  were  presented  for  election,  as  the  mi 
his  power. 

THE    RIGHT    OF    FREE    SrPFHAGE    SUPPRESSED. 

7.     James  determined  to  pack  a   Parliament  by  force  I 
-fraud,  by  causing  his  dependants   to  return   as  duly  eli 
wem\  era,  those  who  were  ready  to  register  his  edicts  io  cur- 
tying  out   his    arbitrary  measures  ;  -fjocting   frani  office   all 
who  would  not  vield  to  his  wishes  in  foistii 

members  to  Parliament,  and.  appointing  those  who  would 

\\y  obey  ■  nd  carr^  out  hi*  end  by  fraud 

intimidation   a:  the  elections.     Thus    the  public  voice 
to  be  stifled  and  popular  opinion  falsified,  and  a  debased  and 

rupulous  majority  of  his  minions  placed  in  the  House  of 
©ORimohs,  to  sustain  his  usurpations. 
Of  the  sftme  complexion  is  the  conduct  of  Mr.  Lincoln.  • 
it  early  became  an  important  point  with  him  to  reduce  to 
his  dominion  the  Southern  Stales  which  had  not  seceded. 
His  first  efforts  were  devoted  to  Maryland.  Under  the  pre- 
tence of  defending  Washington  City  against  the  feigned 
danger  of  capture  by  the  seceded  States,    a  heavy  military 

j  was  precipitated  upon  that  Stat...  on  of 

her  chief  cities  and  towns  and  im'porta:  5ns  for  c: 

defense,  disarming  all  citizens,  placing  the   State  u 
ai  solute  military  rule,  gagging  the  press,    and  arresting  ail 
civil  officers  and  citizens  who  dared   to   express  any  c: 

to  these  galling  oppressions.     lie  dispersed  the  Lc . 
tare  by  the  bayonet,  seizing  a  large  number  of  its  members 


tiles  :  and  all  this  for  no  other  cause  than  that  he  found 
they  would  declare  their  opposition  to  ]:[-  usurpations,  and 
take  legitimate  measures  to  protect  the  State  against  the: ... 
The  municipal  authorities  of  the  city  of  Baltimore,  foi 
same  reason,  were  deposed  and  banished,  as  above  stated. 
In  this  state  Of  things,  elections  were  to  be  held  for  the 
of  Govern  s  cf  the  Legislature  in-  No i 


24 

her,  1361  ;  and  oilers  were  issued,  by  the  General  command- 
ing in 'Baltimore,  to  the  officers  holding  the  elections,  to  ar- 
rest all  persons  suspected  of  being  favorable  to  the  Confed- 
erate States  or  of  opposition  to  the  acts  of  Mr.  -Lincoln'* 
Government.  The  necessary  effect  of  this  was  to  overawe 
the  voters  and  drive  all  from  the  polls,  except  the  base  and 
degraded  who  were  willing  to  crouch  to  the  tyrant.  To  the 
honor  of  the  State,  be  it  remembered,  these  were  few;  for 
the  high  minded  and  elevated  men  of  that  time-honored 
State,  the  worthy  descendants  of  the  old  ''Maryland  lice''' 
of  the  Revolution,  were  excluded  from  the  polls  and  disfran- 
chised, under  the  terror  of  a  degrading  and  intolerabie'im- 
prisonment;  and  the  votes  cast  were  a  mere  handful  of  the  pop- 
ulation. Mr.  Lincoln's  object  was  accomplished  by  this 
shocking  mockery  of  the  right  of  suffrage — this  vile  outrage 
upon  the  rights  of  freemen — and  a  Governor,  and  a  Legisla- 
ture were  returned,. not  to  represent  the  people  of  the  State, 
hut  the  subservient  tools  of  his  power,  to  obey  his  behests. 
That  this- history  is. truly  stated,  let  the  following  testimony 
from  a  disinterested  source,  given  a:  the  time,  by"  the  '•  Lon- 
don Morning  Herald,'7  attest  : 

The  latest  news  from  America  informs  us  that  Mr.  Lincoln  has 
achieved  at  last  one  political  success.  He  has  converted  Maryland, 
and  that  State,  under  the  protection  .of  some  25,000  bayonet*, 
'•votes  the  Union  ticket ;"  that  is  to  say,  gives  a  majority  in  fee 
various  electoral  districts  in  favor  of  Federalist  candidates  far  the 
State  Legislature  and  official  situations.  *  *  *  We  cer- 
tainly think  that  little  weight  should  be  attached  to  votes  given 
under  such  conditions  in  any  European  country.  Maryland  is  un 
der  martial  law.  Her  Legislature  has  been  dispersed  by  armed 
violence,  the  majority  of  both  Houses  are  in  Federal  prisons,  uride'i; 
the  warrant  of  the  Secretary  of  State — in  direct  defiance  of 
iaws  as  laid  down  by  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  Stales, 
whose  judgement  is  final  and  irreversible,  even  by  act  of  Congress 
Her  journals  have  been  seized,  suspended,  ruined  :  the  presses 
broken,  the  editors  sent  to  goal.  She  is  held  ddwn  forcibly  by  an 
army  of  occupation,  said  to  number  25,000  men,  amid  a  population 
of  little  over  700,000,  an  army  backed  by  200,000  troops  within  a 
few  hours'  march  of  Baltimore.  The  General  commanding  thai 
r-rmy  has  given  orders  for  the  arrest  of  all  voters  suspected. of  sym- 
athy  with  the  Confederate  States — that  is,  of  every  one  likely  to 
'ote  against  the  "Union  ticket."  The  elections  are  j.o  be  made 
after  the  arrest  of  every  leading  man  of  the  opposition  or  moderate 
parties,  under  the  bayonets  of  "Federal  troops,  who  have  elsewhere 
shown  that  murder  in  cold  blood  is  at  least  as  much  to  their  taste 
as  fighting,  while  it  is  a  good  deal  less  dangerous  in  the  present 
state  of  discipline,  and  in  the  total  absence  of  all  legal  protection 
for  life,  liberty  or  property.  There  are  a  certain  number  of  men  in 
Maryland,  as  elsewhere,  sufficiently  degraded  or  sufficiently  bitter 


25 

in  their  partisanship  to  TK>te  under  such  circumstances,  and  from 
these  only  will  there  come  an  approval  of  Mr.  Linooln'a  policy — an 
approval  given  not  by  the  respectability  and  intelligence  of  the 
State — that  is  to  be  sought  in  Fort  McHenry,  or  in  homes  turned 
into  prisons,  or  at  best  in  disgusted  abstinence  ftom  a  vote  which 
has  become  a  mockery — but  by  every  element  that  is  dangerous  to 
society  and  hostile  to  liberty, 

**From  his  own  proclamations,  and  from  those  of  his  generals — 
From  his  violations  ©f  law,  his  outrages  on  the  judges,  his  violence 
to  the  Legislature,  1m  careful  repression  of  all  free  opinion — not 
from  votes  given  in  the  presence  of  ill  disciplined  militia  with  loaded 
rifles — must  Mr.  Lincoln's  position  towards  the  citizens  of  Maryland 
be  judged.  S«ch  outrages  as  have  been  committed  in  that  State 
by  his  authority  were  never  yet  paralleled  under  the  mo&t  lawless 
of  British  governments  ;  neither  by  Cromwell,  or  William  of  Or- 
ange in  Ireland,  nor  by  Charles  II  in  Scotland. 

'The  acts  of  1861  were  repeated  in  the  election  of  No- 
vember, 1863,  for  members  of  Congress,  with  circum- 
stances of  aggravated  outrage. 

Immediately  preceding  that  election,  the  commanding 
General  of  the  United  States'  forces  in  the  State,  issued 
hia  order  requiring  that  all  persons  offering  to  vole  at  the 
election,  should  take  an  oath  to  support  uffie  Government" 
of  the  United  States,  and  to  "do  no  act,  either  directly  or 
indirectly,  in  hostility  to  the  same'1 — requiring  bis  officers 
to  report  to  him  all  judges  of  election  who  shall  refuse  to  carry 
out  this  order ,  or  refuse,  upon  a  voter  being  challenged,  to 
require  the  oath  to  be  administered — and  requiring  his 
oincers  with  their  forces,  to  aid  tiie  judges  in  enforcing 
the  order.  Thereupon,  the  Governor  of  the  State  issued 
a  proclamation  in  c  ff be  t  declaring  the  order  to  be  il  legal  and 
vmd,  and  that  the  rights  of  the  citizens  of  the  State  should 
be  maintained,  if  necessary,  by  force.  At  the  same  time, 
he  informed  Mr.  Lincoln,  that  there  was  no  necessity  for 
this  military  order,  because  nearly  all  the  candidates  verc 
•'•loyal  men."  But  the  General  commanding  caused  this 
proclamation  to  be  suppressed,  by  prohibiting  its  publican 
tion  in  the  newspapers. 

On  the  day  of  the  election,  bands  of  armed  soldiers 
took  possession  ot  the  places  of  election,  in  many  parts 
of  the  State,  and  their  officers  proceeded  to  challenge 
every  voter  and  interrogate  him  as  to  his  support  of  t3io 
^Government."  They  defined  that  loyalty  to  the  Govern- 
ment meant,  the  being  in,  favor  of  prosecuting  the  war  to  pui 
down  the  rebcrion,  by  every  means;  r.nd,  with  this  inr^rprct- 
atfon,   required  the  citizens   to  tnVe  tins  oath,     Injo**1- 


26 

parts,  the  judges  refused  to  administer  the  oath,  as  con- 
trary to  the  laws  oi'  Maryland.  Iu  others,  the  citizens 
were  deterred  from  the  polls  by  fear  of  being  arrested 
and  imprisoned.  Large  numbers  were  denied  the  privi- 
lege of  voting,  because  they  would  not  take  the  oath. 
Those  who  refused  to  take  the  oath  were,  for  the  most 
part,  supporters  of  the  Opposition  candidates,  and  citi- 
zens of  well  known  character,  whose  fidelity  to  the  Con- 
stitution was  unquestionable.  When  the  judges  refused 
to  administer  the  oath,  they  were  arrested  and  the  elec- 
tion broken  up. 

By  these  means,  the  election  was  controlled  entirely  by 
the  arbitrary  edicts  of  Mr.  Lincoln  and  his  military  sub- 
alterns ;  the  Constitution  and  laws  of  the  State  were 
trampled  under  foot ;  the  candidates  supporting  Mr.  Lin- 
coln's administration  were  returned  as  elected;  and  their 
opponents,  deprived  of  the  votes  of  loyal  citizens,  who 
supposed  they  were  freemen  and  entitled *to  the  right  of 
suffrage,  as  citizens  of  Maryland,  were  thrust  out.  In 
substance,  the  election  was  carried,  and  the  opponents  of 
the  administration  were  defeated,  by  Mr.  Lincoln  and  his 
military  subordinates,  by  his  military  decree  ;  and  it  differs 
only  in  form  from  a  proclamation,  before  the  election, 
prohibiting,  by  military  force,  an  election  according  to 
the  Constitution  and  laws  of  Maryland,  and  declaring  the 
candidates  who  supported  his  .administration,  members 
of  Congress.  And  thus  does  his  administration  support 
itself  in  Congress! 

The  same  course  was  pursued  towards  Missouri.  A  largo 
military  force  was  sent  to  take  possession  of  that  State,  arid 
by  intimidation  and  force  to  control  her  affairs  according  to 
the  dictates  of  Mr.  Lincoln.!  The  freedom  of  speech  and  of 
the  press  was  suppressed  ;  the  right  of  the  people  peaceably 
to  assemble  and  to  take  counsel  upon  the  acts  of  those  en- 
trusted with  office  and  for  redress  of  grievances,  was  struck 
d.wn  at  the  point  of  Che  bayonet ;  the  constituted  .  political 
bodies  were  overawed  by  military  fc  ces,  to  set  aside  the 
regularly  elected  and  constituted  Executive  authority  of  the 
State,  and  to  put  in  his  place  one  ready  to  sacrifice  the  rights 
and  dignity  of  the  State  at  the  will  of  the  usurper  *  the  reg- 
ular military  organization  of  the  State  was  forcibly  broken 
up  and  disbanded.  In  short,  without  having  taken  any  step 
but  what  the  people  of  the  State  had  a  perfect  right  to  take 
under  the  Constitution,  the  State  wa3  overrun    by   armed 


forces  ;  the  popular  voice  was  effectually  suppressed  by  vio- 
lence and  terror  :  the  sovereignty  of  the  State  was  prostrated, 
and  reduced  to  the  condition  of  a  dependency  of  Mr.  Lin- 
coln, in  all  her  most  essential  interests. 

In  the  State  of  Kentucky,  a  more  politic  course  was  pur- 
sued, but  to  the  same  end.  Her  strength  and  local  position 
were  so  formidable  as  to  render  it  exceedingly  hazardous,  as 
was  supposed,  to  excite  her  jealousy  for  constitutional  rights, 
by  boldly  sending  armed  forces  to  occupy  the  State  and  to 
control  her  action,  as  was  done  in  the  comparatively  weak 
States  of  Maryland  and  Missouri.  Such  a  course,  it  wa3 
feared,  would  arouse  her  opposition  and  throw  her  weight 
with  her  sisters  of  the  South.  Butshe  was  morbidly  wedded 
to  the  Union  ;  and,  acting  upon  ;hat  feeling,  the  Government 
of  Mr.  Lincoln  resorted  to  the  artifice  of  introducing  small 
numbers  of  troops,  by  degrees,  into  the  State,  ostensibly  for 
her  domestic  defense,  and  for  the  pretended  purpose  of  pre- 
venting the  occupation  of  the  State  by  the  forces  of  the 
Confederate  States.  She  was  thus  deluded  as  to  the  design, 
until  from  time  to  time,  under  various  pretexts,  large  bodies 
of  [troops  had  been  sent  to  the  most  important  parts  of  the 
State.  'With  the  full  light  of  the  despotic  acts  in  Maryland 
before  her  eyes,  she  refused  to  take  timely  warning.  By  de- 
grees, many  of  her  leading  politicians  had,  either  by  delusion 
or  corruption,  been  brought  to  be  supporters  of  the  usurpa- 
tions they  lad  at  first  openly  denounced.  These  things  ac- 
complished, it  was  no  longer  necessary  to  conceal  his  pur- 
pose. He  had  taken  armed  occupation  of  the  State  with 
large  forces,  a.  the  most  important  points,  and  had  secured 
the  aid  of  able  advocates  of  his  policy  in  the  State.  The 
development  of  his  plans  quickly  followed.  All  important 
places  were  filled  with  military  forces  to  put  down  all  demon- 
strations of  opposition  to  his  course,  and  to  bring  the  State 
under  his  absolute  dominion,  il embers  of  the  Legislature 
were  intimidated  and  silenced  in  their  efforts  to  arouse  the 
public  spirit  to  defend  their  liberties.  .  The  Governor-was  at 
first  hoodwinked,  then  inveigled,  and  finally  defied,  his  pow- 
er despised  and  his  official  position  set  at  nought.  The 
presses  were  silenced,  the  freedom  of  speech  crushed,  and 
the  right  of  personal  liberty  denied,  to  all  who  presumed  to 
think  that  the  acts  of  Mr.  Lincoln  were  unconstitutional  and 
dangerous  to  the  public  'liberty  ;  and  they  were  driven,  in 
large  numbers,  from  the  Statefwith  insult  and  destruction  of 
their  property,  and  many  were  consigned  to  military  prisons. 
The  crisis  of  the  liberties  of  the  people  had  passed,  and  their 


28 

• 

rights  were  a*  the  will  bf  a  despotism.  On  the  18th  Febru- 
ary, 1863,  a  military  commander,  acting  under  orders  from 
his  superior,  by  military  force  broke  up  a  Democratic  con- 
yention  of  the  people,  at  the  seat  of  government,  called  to- 
gether and  sitting  according  to  the  long  established  usage  ot 
the  party,  for  the  purpose  of  nominating  candidates  for  the 
State  offices,  to  be  voted  for  at  the  ensuing  election  in  Au- 
gust. And  not  content  with  this  lawless  act,  and  as  if  to 
declare  the  absolute  triumph  over  the  liberties  of  the  State, 
and  to  follow  implicitly  the  precedent  of  James'  Declaration 
—that  none  were  to  hold  office  except  such  as  supported  his 
policy — the  officer  declared  to  the  convention,  that  "none  but 
tnen  of  undoubted  loyalty  to  the  United  States  Government, 
would,  under  any  circumstances,  be  allowed  to  run  for  any 
office,  or  fill  any  office,  if  elected"  And  this  declaration 
was  shortly  afterwards  proclaimed  by  the  superior  com- 
manding officer  for  the  State,  as  the  rule  to  be  enforced  in 
the  State  ;  and  it  now  stands  as  the  law  of  that  once  proud 
and  free,  but  now  degraded  and  subjugated,  commonwealth, 
having  received  its  most  ample  fulfillment  at  the  election  in 
August. 

Immediately  preceding  that  election,  on  the  31st  July, 
1863,  Gen.  Burnside  issued  an  order  declaring  the  State  under 
martial  law,  for  the  alleged  "purpose  of  preserving  the  purity 
of  elections"  What  was  meant  by  the  "purity  of  elections" 
and  how  such  an  end  was  to  be  promoted  by  sucli  unpre- 
cedented means,  is  manifest  from  the  orders  issued  and  the 
course  of  proceeding  which  immediately  followed. 

Orders  were  issued  to  the  State  authorites  having  the  ap- 
pointment of  judges  of  the  election,  that  no  persons  should 
be  appointed  but  supporters  of  the  Government  of  Mr.  Lin- 
coln ;  in  violation  of  a  positive  law  of  the  State,  that  such 
judges  should  be  appointed  equally  from  both  political  par- 
ties. Persons  offering  to  vote  and  rejected  as  "disloyal"  by 
the  judges,  were  warned  that  they  would  be  immediately  ar- 
rested by  the  military  officers  ;  and  the  judges  were  to  be 
arrested,  if  they  permitted  any  disloyal  persons  to  vote. 
^Disloyalty  was  ordained  to  consist  in  not  being  in  favor  of  a 
vigorous  prosecution  of  the  war,  and  of  .supplying  men  and 
money  unconditionally  for  the  purpose  ;  and  oaths  were  re- 
quired to  be  taken  by  the  judges  and  electors,  contrary  to 
the  Constitution  and  law  of  the  State. 

Accordingly,  the  judges  were  appointed  exclusively  from 
the  supporters  of  Mr,  Lincoln's  administration,  all  Democrats 


29 

being  rejected.  Many  weak-minded  men  were  dragooned 
into  Toting  for  the  "Government"  candidates,  contrary  to 
their  opinions,  for  fear  of  injury  to  them  personally  or  loss  of 
their  property.  Great  numbers  were  deterred  from  offering 
to  rote,  for  the  same  reasons.  The  candidates  opposed  to 
the  administration,  good  and  true  supporters  of  the  Consti- 
tution, were  struck  from  the  poll-books  at  many  places,  and 
in  others,  not  placed  on  the  books.  Judges  were  arrested 
for  refusing  to  obey  these  illegal  orders,  and  citizens  were 
imprisoned  for  attempting  to  vote,  and  avowing  themselves 
Democrats,  and  refusing  to  take  unconstitutional  and  tyran- 
nical oaths.  As  the  necessary  consequence  of  all  this,  not 
half  the  votes  of  the  qualified  electors  in  the  State  were 
polled  ;  the  administration  candidates  for  Governor  and 
Congress  received  67,586  of  the  84,930  votes  polled  ;  in 
many  counties,  not  a  vote  was  permitted  to  be  cast  for  the 
opposition  candidate?,  and  in  many  other  counties,  they  re- 
ceived scarcely  a  tithe  of  the  Democratic  vote  of  those 
counties. 

Thus,  by  insidious  degrees,  have  the  people  of  Kentucky 
been  infolded  in  the  meshes  of  this  revolutionary  cabal,  until 
they  are  utterly  powerless  to  resist  the  most  flagrant  acts  of 
an  unmasked  despotism,  and  lie  prostrate  at  the  feet  of  tho 
usurper.  A. pliant  instrument  of  Mr.  Lincoln  as  Governor, 
and  servile  members  of  Congress,  were  forced  upon  the  people 
of  the  State,  by  the  soldiery  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  in  order  "to 
preserve  the  purity  of  elections." 

And  now,  it  is  submitted  to  all  dispassionate  minds,  wheth- 
er the  usurpations  of  James  in  respect  to  the  right  of  suffrage, 
are  not  far  exceeded  in  boldness  and  lawlessless,  bym  these  out- 
rages in  the  States  of  Maryland,  Missouri  and  Kentucky,  still 
members  of  the  Union  and  entitled  to  the  protection  of  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States  for  the  rights  of  their  citi- 
zens. 

THE*  DIVINE    RIGHT   CP   KINGS  AND  THE  DUTY  OF   PASSIVE  OBE- 
DIENCE. 

8.  There  is  yet  another  remarkable  coincidence  in  tho 
views  taken  in  England  and  in  the  United  States,  in  relation 
to  the  right  and  pfopriety  af  resistance  to  the  power  of  the 
usurpers,  in  both  instances. 

James  came  to  the  throne  as  the  legitimate  sovereign,  sup- 
ported by  the  voice  of  the  nation.  Mr.  Lincoln  was  elected 
President  of  the  United  States,  according  to  the  forms  of  the 


30 

Constitution,  and  was  duly  inducted  into  office  as  the  repre- 
sentative of  a  large  party.  James  was  supported  by  a  large 
party,  who,  notwithstanding  their  misgivings  as  to  his  fidelity 
to  the  ecclesiastical  system  of  England,  sustained  him  on  tho 
ground  that  it  was  their  duty  to  yield  passive  obedience  to 
the  legitimate  sovereign,  the  legal  head  of  the  church.  The 
doctrine  had  numerous  and  powerful  supporters,  that  no  dis- 
regard of  law  and  of  established  rights,  however  gross,  and  nr 
usurpation  of  power,  by  the  rightful  king,  could  justify  forc- 
ible resistance  to  his  authority,  or  excuse  any  efforts  to 
depose  him  from  power.  This-  was  for  the  most  part  the 
doctrine  of  the  Established  Church,  even  after  his  acts  of 
usurpation  against  the  privileges  of  the  Church  and  the 
rights  of  Protestants,  had  become,  to  the  last  degree,  insup- 
portable. 

The  same  doctrine  was  deeply  infused  into  the  minds  of  a 
large  majority  of  the  people  of  tho  United  States  in  the 
present  revolution.  It  was  said,  that  Mr.  Lincoln  was  elected 
according  to  the  Constitution  ;  that,  though  he  was  elected 
as  the  representative  of  a  policy  destructive  of  the  Consti- 
tution and  was  solemnly  pledged  to  its  accomplishment, 
yet  the  States  were  not  justifiable  in  taking  steps  topm-, 
vent  the  consummation  of  that  policy  and  the  destruction 
of  their  most  sacred  Constitutional  rights ;  but  that  it 
was  their  duty  to  wait  for  overt  acts  of  [usurpation,  and  then 
— when  the  revolution  should  be  accomplished,  which 
would  have  placed  the  States  powerless  in  the  bands  of 
the  usurper—to  right  themselves  by  expelling  him  from 
power,  according  to  the  forms  of  tbe  Constitution  ;  that 
the  clanger,  however  great  and  alarming,  of  his  accom- 
plishing his  designs,  if  invested  with  the  power  over 
those  against  whom  it  was  to  be  exercised,  would  not  jus- 
tify them  in  acting  on  the  belief  that  he  would  execute 
his  solemn  pledges,  and  in  withdrawing  from  the  range 
of  his  power  before  they  were  subjected  to  it  and  ren- 
dered incapable  of  resisting  it;  for  that  would  be  to  dis^- 
solve  the  "glorious  Union." 

This  is,  in  principle,  the  doctrine  of  passive  obedience, 
proceeding  from  the  theory  of  the  Divine  right  of  kings 
— a  doctrine  which  wTas  exploded  by  the  revolution 
of  1688,  and  emphatically  repudiated  in  this  country  in 
the  revolution  of  1776.  It  was  urged  to  discountenance 
nil  resort  to  extreme  measures  against  James ;  and,  until 
his  usurpations  became  intolerable,  all  efforts  to  depose 


31 

him  from  power  were  denounced  as  treason  and  sin.  So 
in  the  case  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  the  withdrawal  from  his 
power,  in  prospect  of  his  effecting  the  revolution  which 
he  was  elected  and  bound  to  accomplish,  was  denounced 
by  ecclesiastical  bodies  and  church  judicatories  through- 
out the  North,  as  sin  against  God  ;  and  by  political  con- 
claves and  Government  dependents  and  deluded  citizens, 
as  rebellion  and  treason.  The  form  and  name  of  the  Un- 
ion were,  in  their  conception,  above  the  sacred  rights  that 
Union  was  intended  to  subserve;  and  many  honest  and 
patriotic  nun  were  deluded  from  the  proper  course  to 
maintain  their  liberties,  by  mere  reverence  for  the  Union 
which  was  about  to  be  perverted  to  their  destruction. 

But  facts  sometimes  produce  a  wonderful  change  in 
men's  opinions,  and  radical  convictions  of  their  judg- 
ments, m  favor  of  truth,  when  logic  and  demonstration 
on  principle  have  utterly  failed.  This  was  illustrated  in 
both  these  eases.  The  usurpations  of  James  enabled 
even  the  Established  Church  to  discard  her  dogmas,  and 
to  see  that  "resistance  to  tyranny  is  obedience  to  God*;"' 
evolutionary  acts  of  Air.  Lincoln  have  shown  the 
people  of  the  Southern  States,  that  their  liberties  were 
dearer  than  the  Union,  and  that  it  was  both  their  right 
and  duty  to  withdraw  from  it,  whenever  it  was  to  be 
perverted  to  their  destruction  and  tho  danger  of  accom- 
plishing the  design  was  imminent. 

It  was  not  so  much  the  expulsion  of  James  from  power, 
as  his  acistf  i  surpation,  which  constituted  the  great 
revolution  of  1638.  His  revolutionary  acts  were  the  cause 
of  hisc-q-Uiou.  If  hil  efforts  had  been  successful,  the 
revolution  begun,  would  have  been  complete,  in  the  sub- 
version of  the  liberties  of  the  people  of  England.  But 
they  were  arrested  by  force.  So  the  despotic  acts  of  Mr. 
Lincoln— first  threatened  to  be  .perpetrated,  and  since 
fulfilled— rather  than  the  secession  of  the  Southern  States, 
have  worked  the  revolution  in  the  government  of  the 
United  States.  Secession  was  but  the  natural  and  right- 
ful effect  of  the  revoiuiion  made  by  the  election  of  Mr. 
Lincoln  with  the  policy  avowed  by  him  and'his  party.  It 
his  usurpations,  since  developed  in  accordance  with  his 
drigiaiai  pledges;  are  tolerated  by  the  States  now  remai  n- 
n£  in  the  Uni  e    Constitution    will  be    effectually 

subverted,  iu  a  «  ■  principles  cud  objects,  an  d  the 


32 

revolution  which  he  has  inaugurated,  will  be  complete  as 
to  those  States,  whether  the  seceded  States  be  Mitpikg&t&d 
or  not.  His  despotism  is  not  the  les»  Vagrant  because 
the  Southern  States  have  seceded ;  i&r  he  was  pledged  to  the 
revolution  before  the  States  seceded.  But  bis  course  fully 
shows  their  wisdom  in  withdrawing  from  his  legal  power; 
and  that  they  were  abundantly  justified  in  acting  on  the 
belief  that  the  revolution  he  was  elected  to  effect,  would 
be  carried  out*  Indeed,  their  worst  anticipations  have 
been  more  than  fulfilled  ;  tor,  in  the  space  of  two  years 
after  his  accession  to  power,  he  has  not  left  a  single  fun- 
damental right  of  American  liberty  untouched  by  his  im- 
pious hand.  He  has  trampled  under  foot  the  right  of 
personal  liberty ;  the  right  of  private  property  ;  the  right 
of  personal  security ;  the  right  of  freedom  of  conscience; 
the  rights  of  freedom  of  speech  and  of  the  press ;  the  right 
of  the  people  to  meet  together  and  peaceably  to  take 
legitimate  measures  for  their  own  government;  the  right 
ot  free  suffrage  ;  the  right  of  freedom  from  illegal 
search  ;  the  right  to  bear  arms  in  personal  self-defence  ; 
in  short,  every  great  right  of  American  freedom ;  and 
this  in  States  still  belonging  to  the  Union.  These  are 
the  vital  spirit  of  American  liberty.  Tine  Union  was 
made  to  secure  and  perpetuate  these  "blessings  of  liberty 
to  ourselves  and  posterity."  But  it  is  mere  form  and 
machinery;  and  when  these  great  rights  are  sacrificed, 
the  skeleton  may  remain,  but  the  life  and  spirit  of  the 
Union  will  be  gone.  And  this  is  the  revolution  which 
the  government  of  Abraham  Lincoln  is  now  working 
out  upon  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  and 
fastening  upon  its  citizens — a  revolution  much  more 
flagrant  than  would  be  the  mer©  change  of  the  form  of 
government  to  that  of  a  monarchy. 

The  civilized  world  stands  amazed  that  a  large  portion 
of  the  American  people  should  complacently  look  upon 
the  prostration  of  all  these  great  rights  of  human  free- 
dom, at  the  hands  of  a  reckless  and  desperate  revolution- 
ary party,  under  the  flimsy  pretext  of  preserving  the 
form  of  the  Unicn  ;  and  that  an  unnatural  and  savage 
war,  in  violation  of  the  dictates  of  humanity  and  of  the 
established  rules  ot  civilized  war  among  enlightened  na- 
tions, should  be  tolerated,  to  prostitute  a  Union,  whose 
cement  is  justice,  domestic  tranquility  and  brotherly  love.. 


33 

to  the  ends  of  oppression  and  revenge  against  the  people 
of  the  Southern  States  who  have  had  the  firmness  and 
the  virtue  to  defend  their  sacred  rights. 

And  what  is  to  he  the  result  of  this  unholy  crusade? 
This  is  a  question  which  should  move  the  heart  of  every 
true  patriot  in  this  land,  and  of  every  friend  of  civil  lib- 
erty throughout  the  world.  It  becomes  us  to  meet  it  as 
our  forefathers  met  the  great  crisis  in  their  liberties  in 
1688. 

It  is  now  no  longer  a  matter  of  doubt,  that  the  object  of  this 
war,  on  the  fart  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  is  not  to  restore  the  South- 
em  States  to  the  Union  ;  that  is,  the  Union  made  by  the 
Constitution — but  to  briug  them  to  subjection  to  the  do- 
minion of  the  United  States,  deprived  of  their  most  val- 
uable rights,  and  reduced  to  a  state  of  degradation  in 
comparison  with  other  States  of  the  Union.  According 
to  the  theory  and  policy  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  they  can  never 
be  free,  sovereign  and  independent  States  of  the  Union, 
in  the  enjoyment  of  the  rights  of  their  citizens  with 
which  they  became  members  ol  it ;  because  their  invalu- 
able right  of  private  property,  secured  by  the  Constitu- 
tion, has  been  destroyed,  and,  according  to  Mr.  Lincoln, 
cannot  be  restored. 

lie  has  assumed  the  power  to  abolish  slavery  in  the 
States;  by  Executive  edict.  He  asseverates  that  the  act 
is  valid,  effectual  and  irreversible.  lie  claimsthis  in  his 
annual  message  of  December,  1862  ;  and  in  his  recent 
letter  to  Conkling,  he  says  there  is  no  more  power  in  the 
government  to  restore  to  slavery  a  slave  so  emancipated, 
than  to  raise  the  dead  to  life.  Whether  this  be  true  or 
not  in  point  of  legal  power  and  effect,  he  is  irrevocably 
committed  to  it,  asserts  it  on  all  occasions,  and  makes  it 
the  ground-work  of  his  policy.  lie  declares  his  unalter- 
able adhesion  to  it,  in  his  message  of  December,  1863. 
If,  then  the  Southern  States  were  to  be  restored  to  the 
Union,  it  could  not,  under  his  policy,  be  with  their  prop- 
erty in  slaves;  ior  he  insists  that  that  would  be  an  im- 
possibility. Thus,  according  to  his  theory  and  policy, 
slavery  is  irrevocably  abolished  ;  and  with  it  must  fall  the 
State  Constitutions,  which  recognize  slavery  and  found 
an  important  State  policy  on  it  ;"the  great  anl  diversified 
domestic  interests  of  the  States  depending  upon  it,  must 
perish ;  and  their  right  under  the  Federal  Constitution, 


34 

<*o  positively  secured  by  that  instrument,  must  be  de- 
stroyed. It  is,  therefore,  plainly  impossible  to  restore 
those  States  to  the  Union  made  by  the  Constitution,  even 
if  Mr.  Lincoln  had  the  disposition  to  do  so,  if  this  act  is 
to  stand. 

But  it  its  equally  clear  that,  though  he  had  the  power, 
he  has  not  the  remotest  intention,  of  ever  restoring  them 
to  the  Union,  with  their  rights  of  person  and  of  property, 
under  their  State  Constitutions  and  laws,  and  under  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States,  unimpaired;  for  that 
would  be  political  suicide.  It  would  be  to  admit  eleven 
Stales,  arrayed  in  solid  pkala?ix  of  deadly  hostility  to  him  and 
his  parly  ;  -  which,  added  to  the  powerful  opposition-  con- 
sisting of  Democrats  and  conservative  Whig*  in  the 
States  now  in  the  Union,  would  overwhelm  him  and  his 
party,  with  all  their  hopes,  and  consign  them  to  everlast- 
ing disgrace,  and  him,  perhaps,  to  infamous  punishment 
tor  his  flagrant  and  confessed:  violations  of  the  Constitu- 
tion. 

But  it  is  perfectly  manifest,  from  the  position  in  which 
he  is  placed  by  his  own  acts,  and  from  the  recent  avowrals 
of  himself  and  his  official  friends,  what  sort  of  a  restora- 
tion of  the  Union  he  intends.  It  is  one  founded  on 
emancipation  and  confiscation — upon  the  destruction  of 
high  constitutional  rights  fully  admitted,  in  his  inaugural 
speech,  to  exist  in  the  Southern  States.  This  appears  from 
his  declarations  in  his  interview  with  a  committee  from 
Kentucky  in  the  summer  of  1863,  and  from  tlic  labored 
letter  of  Mr.  Whiting,  a  high  and  prominent  officer -of  his 
government.  By  this  policy,  the  slaves  are  to  stand  eman- 
cipated, in  fulfillment  of  the  purposes  of  his  party;  and 
the  citizens  of  the  Southern  States  are  to  be  stripped  of 
all  their  other  property  of  every  description,  and  disfran- 
chised of  all  their  rights.  Thus,  all  their  property  is  to 
be  sold  to  pay  the  debt  of  their  enemies  created  by  the 
war  waged  against  them  to  deprive  them  of  their  consti- 
tutional rights,  thereby  shifting  this  iniquitous  debt  upon 
them  ;  and  their  enemies  are  to  become  the  purchasers  of 
it,  since  their  own  citizens  will  have  nothing  with  which 
to  purchase,  anil  will  be  disfranchised  and  incapable  of 
holding  propofty  ;  the  necessary  effcet  of  which  will  be, 
that  the  pur  :K  \  m  ast  be  their  evemres,  who  will  come 
into  thecormiry  to  eir  property  and  people 


35 

those  States.  The  citizens  of  those  States  will  be  reduced 
to  absolute  poverty  and  degradation,  and  their  imported 
enemies  will  own  their  property  and  be  their  masters, 
excluding  them  from  all  political  and  social  influerce, 
and  wielding  the  destinies  of  those  States  at  their  own 
will.  Republican  government  will  be  suppressed  in 
those  States,  and  all  opposition  to  his  party  put  down,  and 
they  will  be  held.as  the  liege  subjects  of  his  power. 

Such  will  be  the  neccessary  consequences  of  Mr  Lin- 
coln's policy  of  emancipation  and  coruscation,  as  the 
basis  of  the  restoration  of  the  Union.  They  will  work 
out  three  very  desirable  results  for  him  and  his  party — 
1st,  to  accomplish  the  first  object  of  his  election^  to  aboNsh 
slavery; — 2d,  to  relieve  the  'Stoles  which  have  supported  him 
iii  wagfnrj  this  war,  from  the  debt  winch  otherwise  mitM  ruin 
them; — 3d,  to  people  the  Southern  Sfr&tesitith  an  imported. 
iatwu,  ami  transform  (ho$<  Sfofes,  front  deadly  opposition. 
to  him  and  to  his  party,  to  firm  and  obcdknl  supporters  of  all 
the  measures  of  his  parti/. 

When  these  ends  shall  he  ready  for  accomplishment, 
t ben,  and  only  then,  can  Mr.  Lincoln  consent  to  restore 
those  States  to  the  Union.  To  do  sfc" until  they  shall  have 
been,  for  the  most  part,  established*,  would  be  the  destruc- 
tion of  himself  and  of  his  party,  without  the  hope  of  re- 
covery. He  too  wed  understands  the  precarious  tenure  by 
which  he  holds  his  power  even  in  the  States  now  in  tin  Un- 
ion, to  incur  t^is  hazard  of  admitting  States  back  into  the 
Union,  to  his  own  desiruct'on.  Having  begun  the  war  upon 
the  insane  idea  that  the  seceded  States  could  be  restored  to 
a  harmonious,  constitutional  Union,  by  the  sword  and  bay- 
onet ;  and,  disappointed  in  that,  having  gone,  from  one  step 
to  another,  in  acts  of  violation  of  the  Constitution  in  the 
prosecution  of  this  mad  undertaking,  until  he  has  been  led 
to  subvert  every  essential  principle  of  the  Const'tulion,  he 
now  finds  himself  in  a  position  from  which  he  cannot  re- 
cede. He  must  persevere  in  his  course  or  involve  himself 
and  his  party  in  irretrievable  ruin  and  disgrace.  •  He  cannot 
accept  a  restoration  of  the  fjnion  r>f  the  Const  it  a  linn  ;  and,  in 
the  stress  of  the  condition  into  which  he  has  be  n  prceipated 
by  the  bad  men  v.  ho  surround  and  control  him,  he  is  now 
constrained  to  reject  such  a  restoration,  and  the  very  pacifi- 
cation which  he  has  repeatedly  declared  to  be  the  sole  ob- 
ject of  the  war,     Under  the  wicked  counsels  to  which  he 


36 

lias  submitted  himself,  he  has  involved  himself  in  the. 
mazes  of  contradictions  and  duplicity,  and  is  oppressed 
with  difficulties  and  embarrassments  from  which  there  is 
no  escape  with  credit  and  honor.  He  is  in  the  dilemma  of 
being  compelled,  either  to  bring  destruction  upon  himself 
and  his  party,  by  accepting  the  restoration  of  the  Southern 
States  to  the  Union,  according  to  the  Constitution,  if  a  re- 
union should  be  proposed  by  those  Slates ;  or  to  rush 
madly  to  the  prostration  of  the  Constitution,  reckless  alike 
of  his  professions  and  his  oath,  of  right  and  of  justice,  by 
treating  them  as  subjugated  provinces.  He  has  determined 
to  take  care  of  himself]  and  to  make  every  thing  yield  to 
self-protection  and  the  salvation  of  his  party.  Hence  ht 
and  his  party  icoidd  be  driven  to  reject  all  terms  of  restoration, 
except  such  as  will  save  them  from  annihilation  and  disgrace — 
and  these  are,  emancipation,  subjugation  and  confiscation  to 
the  Southern  States, 

Mr.  Lincoln,  therefore,  could  not  if  he  would,  and  would 
not  if  he  could,  accede  to  a  restoration  of  the'  seceded 
States  to  the  Union,  as  free  and  equal  members  of  it,  in  the 
enjoyment  of  the  rights  and  privileges  guarantied  to  them 
by  the  Constitution — the  only  sort  of  Union  consistent  with 
the  Constitution.  If  they  were  now  to  lay  down  their 
arms,  repeal  their  ordinances  of  secession,  and  take  Mr.  Lin- 
coln at  his  word  and  apply  for  restoration  to  their  positions 
in  the  Union,  it  is  as  certain  as  any  future  event  can  be — 
and  indeed  he  has  solemnly  declared  and  reiterated — that 
they  could  not  be  permitted  to  do  so,  without  a  change  of 
their  Constitutions  to  suit  his  policy  ;  with  the  loss  of  their 
most  valuable  property  .and  a  radical  change  of  their  whole 
polii  ical  system  and  their  controlling  domestic  interests ; 
and  without  taking  a  position  of  inferiority  to  their  co-States 
of  the  Union — a  condition  utterly  incompatible  with  the 
Constitution. 

It  is  in  vain  to  say  in  justification  of  this,  that  those 
States  forfeited  and  lost  their  rights  by  their  resistance  to 
the  authority  of  the  United  States,  and  are,  therefore,  re- 
duced to  the  condition  of  subordination  by  their  own  acts. 
For  Mr.  Lincoln  planted  himself,  in  his  inaugural  speech 
and  in  his  first  message  to  Congress,  on  the  ground  that  the 
acts  tf  secession  were  simply  of  no  legal  effect  and  void,  and 
were,  together  with  all  acts  of  resistance  to  the  authority  of 


37 

the  United  States  by  foice  or  otherwise,  to  be  treated  simply 
as  the  wrongful  acts  of  the  individuals  committing  them,  and 
to  be  punished  accordingly.  And  the  war  was  begun  and 
justified  by  him  on  the  theory  ihat  'hose  States  still  continued, 
i?i  law,  in  the  Union,  notwithstanding  their  acts  oj  secession;  and 
it  was  upon  this  view,  that  the  war  was  sanctioned  by  a 
large  majority  of  the  people  of  the  States  remaining  in  the 
Union. 

If  that  was  true,  the  acts  of  secession  worked  no  injury  to 
those  States,  in  their  political  capacity  ;  and  their  rights  as 
States  continued  unimpaired.  If  it  was  not  true,  the  acts 
of  secession  were  valid  and  effectual,  in  the  exercise  of  the 
political  rights  of  the  States  ;  iheUuitta  was  dissolved,  and 
the  war  is  one  between  separate  and  independent  powers  ; 
and  if  so,  the  ground  on  which  it  was  justified  was  false  and 
fraudulent,  and  the  war  itself  is  for  conquest  and  oppres- 
sion, and  an  outrage  on  right  and  justice,  without  the  shad-* 
ow  of  justification.  On  either  branch  of  the  alternative,  he 
is  precluded  from  denying  to  those  States,  their  full  consti- 
tutional rights,  as  free,  equal  and  independent  States,  should 
they  be  willing  to  be  restored  to  the  Union.  And  yet  he 
will  be  compelled  to  do  so  from  political  "necessity"  operat- 
ing on  him  and  his  party. 

But,  besides  this,  if  the  States  are  ever  to  become  mem- 
bers of  the  Union  again,  they  can  only  be  such  under  the 
protection  given  by  the  Constitution  to  all  their  original  rights 
and  privileges.  They  must  be  restored  with  their  Constitu- 
tions under  which  they  enjoyed  their  rights  when  they 
seceded,  and  with  the  rights  and  institutions  thereby  esta- 
blished, intact.  For  the  Constitution  tolerrtes  no  Union, 
except  thai  between  free,  equal  and  independent  States. 

It  ic,  therefore,  clear,  that  nothing  is  to  be  hoped  for  to  the 
cause  of  civil  liberty  and  American  institutions,  if  the 
efforts  of  Mr.  Lincoln  to  subjugate  the  Southern  States  should 
be  successful.  And  the  course  already  pursued  by  his  gov- 
ernment in  the  States  and  parts  of  States  where  he  had  ob- 
tained power — in  suppressing  the  liberties  of  the  people,  and 
particularly  the  right  of  suffrage,  and  in  discountenancing 
propositions  for  the  restoration  of  the  State  of  Louisiana  to 
the  Union — afford  the  most  ample  evidence  fhat  all  the 
rights  of  those  States  are  to  be  in  subjection  to  his  will,  pre- 
serving only  the  form  of  free  govern  mc?U  a?id  constitutional  rights, 
ti  m-fty.  thmi  suhtrrrijwt  fo  the  p»*&  rf  his  prrrtft. 


.     38 

Now  a  question  of  the  gravest  moment  challenges  the1 
consideration  of  all  true  patriots  in  the  States  which  have 
not  seceded — of  all  Americans  who  revere  the  Constitution, 
and  value  the  liberties  secured  by  it.  It  is  this —  Ijthc  South- 
ern Stales  should  be  reduced  to  subj ligation  to  the  domhvon  of  Mi\ 
Lincoln,  and,  wider  his  policy,  should  be  made  available  to  him' 
in  the  suprport  of  his  part  y,  what  is  to  become  of  the  rights  of  civil 
and  religious  liberty  guarantied  by  the  Constitution,  and  contended 
tor  l>y  so  many  patriots  and  conservative  men,  in  the  other  States, 
in  opposition  to  these  usurpations}  God  forbid  that  the  ti me 
may  ever  come  when  they  may'  have  to  lament,  in  bitter- 
ness and  in  slaver}7,  that  they  have  turned  a  deaf  ear  to 
these  solemn  warnings,  and  been  recreant  to  the  preservation 
of  their  own  liberties  until  it  was  too  late  ! 

We  have  seen  that,  with  a  ruthless  hand,  he  has  done 
violence  to  every  right  of  American  liberty,  and  usurped 
powers  in  numerous  instances,  against  the  positive  prohibi- 
tions of  the  Constitution.  What  security,  then,  will  the 
Constitutional  and  law-abiding  men  of  those  Union  States 
have,  that  the  overwhelming  power  of  the  government,  with 
its  army  and  navy!  and  all  the  dependencies  which  its  pat- 
ronage will  give  it,  unrestrained  by  the  barriers  of  the  Con- 
stitution, will  not  be  directed  against  them,  whenever  they 
shall  attempt  to  resist  the  march  of  a  party,  which  has  shown 
that  it  scruples  at  nothing  which  stands  in  the  way  of  the  ■ 
accomplishment  of  its  fell  purposes'?     The  Constitution 

3S  NO  LONGER.    TH:.  SUPREME  LAW    OF    THE  LAND.       Already 

the  whol  >  theory  of  the  government  is  subverted.  The  doc- 
trine  is  sole mnly  promulgated  and  the  precedents  set,  and  con- 
stantly followed,,  that  those  sworn  to  administer  the  government 
of  the  "United  States,  according  to  the  Constitution,  have  the 
right  to  violate  the  Constitution  whenever  the  welfare  and  safety 
of  the  Union,  in  the  judgment  of  -the  Executive,  renders  it 
" Jicccssary" — a  doctrine  which  stabs  the  Constitution  in  its' 
vitals,  revolutionizes  the  government,  and  establishes  an 
absolute  despotism  on  its  ruins.  Is  any  man  so  blind  as  not 
to  foresee,  that  this  fatal  and  preposterous  theory  will  never 
fail  to  be  put  into  practice,  whenever  the  party  grasping  at 
power  feels  that  it  has  the  means-  within  its  possession  to 
commit  the  outrage  with  impunity?  It  has  not  hitherto  been 
effectively  resisted  by  the  conservative  men  of  the  Union 
States,  when  so  criminally  exercised  against  the  clear  rights 


39 

of  their  own  citizens  :  mikI  is  there  any  reason  to  believe 
that  it  will  ever  be  attempted  to  be  exercised  under  circum- 
stances more  loudly  calling  for  the  resistance  of  all  friends 
of  liberty  and  the  Constitution?  It  has  outraged  the  right 
of  suffrage  in  at  least  two  States,  hy  pa  cling  representatives 
from  Kentucky  and  Maryland,  in  the  present  Congress,  by 
military  coercion,  and  by  forcing  the  election  in  the  latter 
State  of  a  convention  to  reform  her  Constitution  and  abolish 
slavery  in  the  State,  hi  utter  prostration  of  the  rights  and 
wishes  of  h?r  people;  and  why  may  ml  the  same  cbcrcion  fe 
equally  jt&ti/ickl  and  to/efSted  to  dragotih  the  people  at  the  next. 
Presidential  election,  to  kkqyprcss  pposition  to  hit 

election  and  carry  il  by  military  force?  It  has  dragged  upright 
judges  from  the  bench  while  in  the  discharge  of  their  judicial 
duties  ;  dispersed  Legislatures  of" Union  States  and  immured 
their  members  in    Br  iz?d  and  banished  peaceable 

ms  in  flip  for  c  tuvnaJsmg  the  acts  of  the  usurp- 

ers ;  destroyed  presses  nnd  imprisoned  their  editors  without 
legal  trial;  suppressed  the  right  of  suffrage ;  destroved 
State  goVerfrrnertt? ;  dragged  n  from  the  sanctuaries 

of  God  while  in  the  performance  of  their  holy  functions  ; 
waged  a  merciless  and  barbarian  war  against  State-,  r  - 
gafdlc's s  6f_ age,  sex  01  ft  ion  ;  imp:  lirigs 

to  commit  ad  n  and  murder  agauist  those  hyp- 

ocritically called  their  "brethren  ;''  and  armed  and  iuciled 
negro  slaves  tc  insurrection,  plunder  and  murder  against 
their  masters,  and  the  most  horrid  outrages  against  defence- 
less women  and  children.  This  has  been  sanctioned  now, 
in  order  to  present .the  Union;  and  under  its  baleful  influence, 
we  have  seen  a  people,  who  boasted  of  Constitutional  free- 
dom, stand  by  and  sec  this  political  Juggernaut  of  "the 
Glorious  Union"  driven  over  the  Constitution.,  trampling 
all  the  essential  rights  for  which  the  government  was  esta- 
blished, in  the  dust,  and  enacting  a  revolution  immeasur- 
ably more  odious  than  if  he  had  declared  himself  emperor, 
but  that  these  great  rights  would  be  respected. 

Who  shall  limit  this  dreadful  doctrine  or  stop  the  progress 
of  these  awful  precedents?  Everyday  that  this  unnatural 
and  diabolical  war  is  continued  but  adds  strength  to  the  doctrine, 
and  incorporates  it  more  firmly  into  the  government ;  because  it 
wUlJur?iish  a  pretext  for  the  continuance  oj  the  cnoimities  practised 
under  it.     If  it  be  tolerated   much  longer,  the  public   mind 


40 

will  become  hardened  to  it,  and  it  will  ripen  into  conceded 
power.  fTlhc  South  shall  be  subjugated,  it  will  be  to  confirm 
the  power,  by  giving  to  the  government  of  Mr,  Lincoln  the  political 
strength  to  exercise  it  at  will;  for  the  voters  will  be  his  vassals. 
It  will  require  a  large  army  to  keep  them  in  subjection,whose 
power  will  be  used  to  support  the  government,  until  the 
chains  are  fastened  on  the  country.  What,  then,  will  the 
Constitution-loving  men  of  the  Union  States  gain  by  the  un- 
natural conquest  ?  Nothing  but  the  destruction  of  the  Con- 
stitution and  the  loss  of  their  own  liberties. 

What,  then,  is  the  course  of  wisdom  to  all  the  patriots  of 
the  Union  States  ?  It  is  to  rise  in  their  might,  and  bring  this 
hoi  rid  war  to  an  immediate  close.     Its  prosecution  cav 

NEVER  RESTORE  TO  THE  UNION  THE  SOUTHERN  STATE?,  IN 
A  MANNER  TO  CAUSE  THEHEARTOF  ANY  TRUE  AMERICAN  PA- 
TRIOT to  rejoice  ;  and  it  would  be  a  thousand  fold  better,  for 
the  honor  of  American  liberty  and  of  free  institutions,  that  the 
separation  should  be  perpetual  than  that  those  States  should 
be  reduced  to  subjection  and  degradation,  by  the  subversion 
of  the  Constitution,  under  the  policy  of  Mr.  Lincoln  and  his 
party.  There  could  be  nothing  gained  to  the  cause  of  Ameri- 
can liberty  by  such  a  subjugation  ;  but  it  would  be  held  up 
to  the  eyes  of  the  world  as  a  miserable  failure  of  republican 
institutions  ;  a  solemn  mockery  and  fraud  on  free  govern- 
ment, and  a  wicked  and  brutal  despotism  under  tkc  guise  of 
American  freedom.  And,  the  day  that  witnesses  the  subjuga- 
tion of  the  South  under  this  policy,  if  it  ever  shall  come,  will  utter 
the  death-knell  of  American  liberty.  The  poisoned  chalice 
which  has  been  forced  upon  Southern  freemen  to  destroy 
their  Constitutional  liberties,  will,  in  due  time,  assuredly  be 
returned  to  the  lips  of  those  who  have  commended  it,  when- 
ever it  suits  the  purpose  of  some  infatuated  or  profligate 
party  in  power  to  make  the  application.  Instead  of  freemen 
under  the  protection  of  a  written  Constitution,  they  will  hold 
their  liberties  at  the  will  of  a  tyrant,  clothed  with  all  power 
which  he  deems  it  "necessary"  to  usurp,  and  ready  to  en- 
force it  by  brute  force. 

The  friends  of  Constitutional  liberty  in  the  Union  States. 
should  arouse  themselves  to  the  high  duty  before  them,  and 
unite,  like  their  ancestors  of  1688,  to  depose  Mr.  Lincoln 
and  his  party  from  power  ;  by  concentrated  action,  in  and 
out  of  Congress  ;  resisting  all  his  measures  for  the  prosecu- 
tion of  the  war,  and  bringing  him  to  condign  punishment  for 


41 

oath.  In  this  way  the  Constitution  might  be  rescued  from 
destruction  and  the  blessings  of  liberty  secured  to  themselves 
and  to  their  posterity.  Their  noble  patriotism  would  stand 
side  by  side,  on  the  pages  of  history,  with  the  glorious  revo- 
lution of  1688,  and  transmit  their  names  to  imperishable 
renown,  as  the  fearless  champions  of  civil  liberty  and  the 
defenders  of  Constitutional  freedom  in  the  land  of  Washing- 
ton. It  might  be  that,  then,  both  sections  of  the  country — 
severed  and  alienated,  as  they  have  been  by  the  bad  men, 
and  under  the  malign  counsels  that  have  produced  this  revo- 
lution, but  living  under  Constitutions  founded  on  the  same 
great  principles,  and  securing  the  same  great  fundamental 
rights — might,  in  the  course  of  years,  when  mutual  interests 
shall- have  healed  the  animosities  between  ihem,  re-unite 
under  one  government ;  or,  what  is  more  probable,  might 
agree  to  live,  in  peacefuland  harmonious  relations,  conduc- 
ing highly  to  the  prosperity  and  happiness  of  both,  each 
under  its  own  government;  and  the  only  contest  between 
them  being,  which  should  more  perfectly  illustrate  the 
beauty  of  Republican- Government,  and  more  nobly  maintain 
the  rights  and  liberties  of  American  freemen. 

Should  such  be  the  result  of  the  dreadful  contest  now 
going  on  in  this  land,  it  will,  like  the  great  revolution  of 
.  1688,  work  out  the  re  establishment  of  the  great  principles 
of  American  liberty,  upon  a  firmer  and  more  enduring  founda- 
tion of  well-defined  and  sacredly-observed  Constitutional 
right.  But  should  these  fond  hopes  be  disappointed^  then, 
indeed,  will  the  sun  of  Constitutional  liberty  set  to  rise  no 
more  on  this  once  happy  land,  and  the  darkness  of  anarchy 
or  of  despotism  must  forever  envelop  our  beloved  country. 

Canton,  December.  1863. 


